La parola ai medici dunque, a loro l'ultima sentenza, quella che salva un'assassina dalla giusta punizione (si tratta di giustizia) cui sarebbe obbligata. Ai medici e al Pilato-Sarkozy l'ultimo colpo alle vittime di un terrorismo che tutto fu meno che rivoluzionario. Bensì strumentalizzato e usato da quello stesso Stato che volevano sovvertire. E la mancata estradizione è solo l'ultima illusione, ai danni dello Stato questa volta. E' depressa? Poverina. Speriamo abbia capito le conseguenze delle sue azioni, dei suoi proiettili, delle sue scelte.

EF

Si les faits remontent aux années 1990, l'affaire n'est médiatisée qu'en 2000 avec l'enquête des juges Courroye et Prevost-Desprez. Huit ans après, le procès peut commencer.

Pierre Falcone et Arcadi Gaydamak sont au coeur de ce procès. Ces deux hommes d'affaires sont accusés d'avoir vendu des armes (pour un montant de 790 millions de dollars) au gouvernement angolais entre 1993 et 1998. L'Angola connait alors une terrible guerre civile ou s'affrontent le gouvernement de Dos Santos et son ennemi le rebelle Jonas Savimbi, à la tête de l'UNITA.

Le procès est exceptionnel par sa durée, jusqu'en mars 2009, et par la présence de nombreuses personnalités parmis les 42 prévenus. Tous sont accusés d'avoir touché des commissions au cours de ces transactions. On retrouve dans cette longue liste: Jean Christophe Mitterand, fils du président, Jacques Attali, l'écrivain Paul Loup Sulitzer, l'ancien ministre Charles Pasqua, ainsi qu'un de ses proches, l'ex-préfet Marchiani.

Les magistrats sont soumis à d'intenses pressions du fait des enjeux pétrolier en Angola. Le gouvernement angolais, qui avait un moment protégé Pierre Falcone par une immunité diplomatique (nomination a l'Unesco), veut a tout prix éviter de voir des noms de personnalités angolaises dans ce procès.

François Mitterand, born in Jarnac in 1916, donated part of his collection of presidential gifts to the town.  The house where he was born (lived in by his mother's family for over a century) lies within easy reach of the riverside quay that today bears his name.  According to his wishes he is buried in the Grands Maisons Cemetary in Jarnac.

• January to June & September to October: Open  Wednesday and Sundays from 2pm to 6pm with last entry at 5.15pm.
• July & August: Open daily from 10.00am to 12.30pm and 2.30pm to 6.30pm.  

Entry Fee:

• Adults €5
• Children (from 8 - 16 years) €3

Par Walid Atallah > liberonsgeorges@no-log.org

Ceux qui connaissent Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, savent qu’il est libanais et non palestinien, comme indiqué dans le titre de ce communiqué. Mais alors, pourquoi le plus vieux prisonnier politique palestinien en France et depuis 1984 ? Effectivement, Georges est né au Liban et est de nationalité libanaise. Georges est un militant communiste révolutionnaire, résolument antisioniste et anti-impérialiste, soutenant la cause palestinienne.

Georges a été membre des Fractions Armées Révolutionnaires Libanaises. Cette organisation a mené un combat contre l’Etat colonial Israël et ses alliés qui agressait régulièrement le territoire libanais déjà depuis plusieurs années. Face à ces agressions, les FARL ont exécuté (et revendiqué) en Europe Charles Ray, attaché militaire à l'ambassade des USA en France (18 janvier 1982), puis Yakov Barsimantov, secrétaire en second à l'ambassade israélienne en France et, responsable du Mossad en France (3 avril 1982).

En juin 1982, après des mois d’agressions en tout genre (bombardements aériens, navals, raids héliportés, attaques menées par l’intermédiaire de collaborateurs comme l’Armée du Liban Sud), l’armée israélienne, avec la complicité des puissances occidentales, avait envahi le Liban : l’opération "Paix pour la Galilée" avait fait plus de 30.000 morts dont 12000 enfants, 45.000 blessés. Beyrouth était dévastée par des semaines de siège et de bombardements, et près de 3000 civils palestiniens et libanais furent froidement assassinés à Sabra et Chatila par les milices fascistes libanaises (les Phalangistes), aux ordres de l’Etat illégitime d’Israël, et des centaines de militants arabes furent capturés et "disparus" dans les camps d’Ansar et de Khiam.

Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, membre des FARL, est arrêté en 1984 et emprisonné en France depuis 24 ans. Sa lourde condamnation, en 1987, à la prison à perpétuité avec une peine de sureté de 15 ans, est le résultat direct des pressions sionistes et étatsuniennes car les autorités françaises n’ont jamais pu prouver l’implication directe de Georges. Ainsi le président américain Reagan en personne aborda le sujet du procès de Georges Abdallah lors d'une rencontre avec le président français Mitterrand. Aujourd’hui, Georges Abdallah, continue à subir la vengeance d’Etat et les pressions israéliennes et américaines pour son maintien en prison.

Georges Abdallah, selon le droit français, pourrait être libéré depuis 1999 par un simple arrêté administratif du Ministère de la Justice. Il y eut même une juridiction régionale à Pau qui, en novembre 2003, autorisa sa libération. Mais l’Etat français veillait et sur ordre du ministre de la Justice Dominique Perben, le procureur général de Pau fit appel de cette décision et le maintien en prison de Georges Abdallah fut ordonné. Sa libération est donc clairement un enjeu politique. Georges est clairement un otage aux mains de la France, alliée d’Israël qui utilise aussi les 11000 prisonniers palestiniens comme une monnaie d’échange dans les négociations.
Dans ce contexte, qu’est-ce qui différencie le combat de Georges Ibrahim Abdallah et les 24 ans passés dans les geôles impérialistes françaises et le combat des prisonniers politiques palestiniens dans les geôles sionistes, absolument rien.

C’est à ce titre que l’on peut et que l’on doit considérer Georges Abdallah comme un militant palestinien et en l’occurrence comme le plus vieux prisonnier politique palestinien encore emprisonné en France. C’est un honneur en tant que Président de l’association des Palestiniens en France que de le considérer comme tel, comme quand nous parlons des prisonniers palestiniens.

Aujourd’hui, la puissance impérialiste française intervient militairement en Afrique, au Liban et en Afghanistan. La France intervient comme les Etats Unis ou l’Angleterre pour préserver les « valeurs de la démocratie » et les intérêts occidentaux, justifiant ainsi l’occupation de ces pays.

Pour ceux qui se souviennent de la guerre d’Indochine ou celle d’Algérie, du temps de la grandeur coloniale de la France, ils savent très bien qu’il n’y aura aucune victoire de l’occupant. Au contraire, la seule chose qui les guette, ce sont des batailles gagnées par la résistance comme à Dien Bien Phu en 1954.

Israël a perdu piteusement la guerre contre la résistance libanaise, menée par le Hezbollah en juillet/août 2006 et aujourd’hui la France vient de perdre 10 soldats en Afghanistan contre la résistance.
Ce n’est que le prélude d’une guerre perdue qui annonce beaucoup de pertes.

Alors quel est l’intérêt pour la France de continuer ces guerres coloniales qui ne feront que la rabaisser aux yeux des peuples occupés, qui réagiront de plus en plus durement en Afrique, en Afghanistan et au Liban où la France est présente au sein d’une force de l’ONU pour protéger Israël et désarmer la résistance libanaise et palestinienne là bas ?

Concernant Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, les autorités Françaises invoquent sa dangerosité pour justifier son maintien en prison.

A mon avis, c’est plutôt son maintien en prison qui constitue un réel danger pour les autorités françaises, qui pourraient se retrouver demain avec une action de la résistance au Liban qui pourrait demander la libération de Georges en contrepartie de la libération d’un quelconque soldat français capturé par cette même résistance.

Alors, le maintien de Georges Ibrahim Abdallah en prison, atout ou épée de Damoclès au dessus des autorités politiques ?

Dans ce contexte, il serait plus sage et juste de libérer immédiatement Georges pour qu’enfin il retrouve sa famille et reprenne une vie « normale ».

La lutte pour la libération de Georges Ibrahim Abdallah est de la responsabilité de tous ceux et celles qui se revendiquent du camp de la Révolution ! Communistes, anti-impérialistes, anticolonialistes, antisionistes. Chaque individu, chaque organisation, chaque collectif, surtout au sein du mouvement de solidarité avec la lutte du peuple palestinien, peut et doit participer à la demande de libération immédiate de Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, le plus vieux prisonnier politique palestinien en France.

LIBÉRATION IMMÉDIATE DE GEORGES ABDALLAH !
Pour la continuation de la résistance antisioniste et anti-impérialiste,

Walid Atallah
Président de l’Association des Palestiniens en France (APF).
Paris, le 25 septembre 2008.

ECRIVEZ -LUI
Georges Ibrahim Abdallah
N° écrou 939049
CP. Fresnes / Quartier du CNO
Allée des Thuyas – 94261 Fresnes

SOUTENEZ-LE
Collectif pour la libération de Georges Abdallah
c/o LPJ, 58 rue Gay-Lussac, 75005 Paris
e-mail : liberonsgeorges@no-log.org

Link: Big Brother was listening.

When Jean-Edern Hallier released his book, "The Lost Honor of Mitterand" in 1996, he sparked controversy and public outcry.

Apparently from 1983 to 1986, Hallier was the victim of illegal wiretapping and surveillance. Why? Because the President feared he would reveal his secret, illegitimate daughter to the press.

Just last Thursday, decades after the fact, the Parisian courts ruled that Hallier's family and his brother would all be compensated by the FRENCH GOVERNMENT for the illegal surveillance.

Two of Mitterand's advisors during the time have been put in jail for 6 to 8 months, with a fine of only €5,000. I mean, hell, Martha Stewart got a tougher sentence!

In fact, the people hardest hit in this whole debacle: the people of France. The court ruled that €70,000 be given to Hallier's son and daughters (for Hallier himself died in 1997) and that €20,000 be given to Hallier's brother. Although not much in terms of government funds, is it really necessary to punish the French government 20 years after the situation?

In my opinion, the price tag should be placed on the two advisors, but I suppose I am not a qualified judge, nor did I hear all the evidence.

I suppose that it's also important to tell you that Mitterand died in early 1996, before the book was published, so he's doing just peachy-keen.

Note: For the past posts I've always been prompting you to tell me what you think but no one ever leaves comments... what the hell?!

Cons.

Entrevista a Tariq Alí • • • • •

Trascripción de la entrevista radiofónica realizada a Tariq Ali en Democracy Now! el 2 de junio.

El gobierno que vino después del de Gaulle, el de Pompidou, hizo de hecho muchas concesiones en cuestiones salariales, laborales, de mejora de las condiciones en las universidades. Para prevenir una revolución, accedieron a un importante acuerdo con las reclamaciones de los obreros. Los burócratas de los sindicatos fueron a las fábricas y dijeron a los obreros:

- "Tíos, hemos conseguido un incremento de nuestro salario del 25%".

- "A la mierda." – contestaban

- "¡Pero bueno! Entonces, ¿qué es lo queréis?"

- "Queremos la fábrica."

----------------

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Nos ocupamos ahora de la última entrega de nuestra serie "1968: cuarenta años después". Para hablar del legado del 68 tenemos hoy con nosotros al activista político, historiador y novelista Tariq Alí.

En los años sesenta, cuando la guerra de Vietnam alcanzó su máxima violencia, Tariq Alí se ganó a pulso una reputación nacional en debates públicos con personajes como Henry Kissinger o el entonces ministro de asuntos exteriores británico Michael Stewart. Se manifestó contra la guerra de Vietnam, encabezó la memorable marcha a la embajada estadounidense en Londres en 1968 y editó el periódico revolucionario Black Dwarf, donde hizo amistad con personajes tan influyentes como Stokely Carmichael, Malcolm X, John Lennon y Yoko Ono.

Cuarenta años después Tariq Alí continúa su lucha contra la política exterior estadounidense. Ha escrito más de una docena de libros sobre política e historia mundial, cinco novelas y varios guiones tanto para teatro como para el cine. Actualmente es uno de los editores de New Left Review. Su libro de memorias se titula Años de lucha callejera: una autobiografía de los sesenta.

Tariq Alí, bienvenido a Democracy Now!

TARIQ ALÍ: Es un placer estar aquí.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Muchas cosas ocurrieron en 1968, y usted obviamente ha tenido tiempo de reflexionar sobre todas ellas. Háblenos en primer lugar sobre qué ocurría en Inglaterra en la época en que participó en los movimientos sociales que se desarrollaron en aquel entonces.

TARIQ ALÍ: En el Reino Unido lo que teníamos en los sesenta, en los últimos sesenta, era un gobierno laborista. Este gobierno laborista, a pesar de todas sus promesas, decidió dar su apoyo a la política exterior estadounidense, cuando la guerra de Vietnam alcanzaba su cénit. El gobierno, para nuestro enfado, decidió apoyar la guerra en Vietnam. Así que una oleada de descontento se extendió entre quienes apoyaban a los laboristas, que decían que no, que no se trataba de eso. Fue entonces cuando montamos la Campaña de Solidaridad con Vietnam, aunque en su descargo hay que decir, Juan, que viéndolo hoy, aquel gobierno laborista se resistió con empeño a la presión norteamericana para que enviara sus tropas a Vietnam. Lo respaldaba verbalmente, pero ni el Reino Unido ni ningún otro estado europeo envió tropas a Vietnam, a diferencia de lo que ocurre hoy con Irak. Así que, a pesar de que la apoyaron, fue muy diferente a lo que ahora vemos. Y la embajada de Estados Unidos-

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: -las únicas tropas que enviaron otros países fueron, creo, Corea del Sur, Austrialia, algunos de-

TARIQ ALÍ: Corea del Sur y Australia siempre estuvieron ahí. Pero ningún país europeo envió sus tropas a combatir en Vietnam. Resulta muy interesante cuando vuelves a pensar en ello. Nos encontrábamos en el punto álgido de la Guerra Fría. Podrían haberlo hecho, pero no lo hicieron.

Así pues, fue creciendo un gran movimiento, que reclamaba la disociación con la guerra en Vietnam y la retirada del apoyo político británico. Un movimiento que fue cada vez mayor, apoyado por políticos destacados de la época en el Reino Unido que no formaban parte del gobierno. Tuvimos muchos parlamentarios laboristas que se oponían a la guerra, cantantes de rock que venían a las manifestaciones, Mick Jagger escribió Street Fighting Man, muchísima otra gente participó en ello. El hecho de que el Reino Unido fuese el aliado más próximo a los EE.UU. en Europa lo convirtió finalmente en un problema.

Recuerdo al senador Eugene McCarthy, el candidato demócrata pacifista, declarar en público: "¿Qué es lo que está haciendo nuestro país, cuando nuestra embajada en la capital que no es más amistosa de Europa se encuentra bajo asedio permanente?" Esto nos animó muchísimo, porque significaba que lo que hacíamos tenía un impacto.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: ¿Y la protesta en la embajada estadounidense en la que participaste?

TARIQ ALÍ: Bueno, esto ocurrió tras la ofensiva del Tet en Vietnam, cuando los vietnamitas tomaron la embajada estadounidense en Saigón por un espacio de tiempo puramente simbólico. Luego los mataron a todos. Supongo que podría llamarse, empleando un lenguaje actual, un ataque suicida.

Nosotros nos preguntábamos: ¿qué podemos hacer para mostrar nuestra solidaridad con los vietnamitas? ¿No podríamos sencillamente capturar la embajada por algún tiempo, izar la bandera vietnamita y después retirarnos dejándola ondear en lo más alto? En octubre de 1967 estuvimos muy cerca de conseguirlo. Nos sorprendió tanto a nosotros como al personal de la embajada. Así que pensamos que en marzo del 68 lo lograríamos. Pero en esta ocasión todo el mundo estaba preparado, y la policía, la policía montada, cargó contra nosotros y nos impidió acercarnos a la embajada, así que se produjo un enfrentamiento. Entonces dijo Mick Jagger: "Bueno, lo que ahora tenemos que hacer es obvio: hemos de tener nuestra propia caballería. ¿Por qué no entrenamos nuestra gente para que luche a caballo contra la policía montada?" Pasamos de esta propuesta.

Los enfrentamientos en Grosvenor Square fueron lo que realmente sorprendió al país, porque el país no estaba preparado para ello. Pero le mostró la magnitud del malestar. Y entonces, unos pocos meses después, Francia explotó en mayo-junio, con diez millones de obreros en huelga, lo cual obligó a toda la clase política a enfocar la lucha en algo completamente diferente, algo que había empezado como un movimiento contra la guerra se estaba convirtiendo en aquellos momentos en un movimiento social de raíces mucho más profundas.

JULIAN GONZÁLEZ: Y la convulsión francesa, por supuesto, no empezó realmente en París, como mencionas en un artículo que recientemente has escrito para The Guardian. Empezó en una pequeña universidad en las afueras de París, y empezó en marzo, ¿verdad? Podrías explicarnos-

TARIQ ALÍ: Empezó en marzo en-

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: -para muchos de nuestros oyentes y espectadores más jóvenes, hay algo de esa historia, de ese sensacional movimiento, que... ¿cómo unos cuantos estudiantes terminaron liderando un movimiento que paralizó a toda la nación?

TARIQ ALÍ: Es algo verdaderamente increíble cuando te detienes a pensarlo. El 22 de marzo, en un campus universitario en Nanterre, en las afueras de París, los estudiantes salen para protestar contra las restricciones, contra las malas condiciones de alojamiento, y el gobierno reacciona exageradamente, golpeándolos. Crean el comité 22 de Marzo, que llamó a manifestarse en el corazón del Barrio Latino, y el barrio explotó la noche del 10 de mayo.

Dos meses después, la campaña estalló con enfrentamientos masivos. Y, sabes, los franceses tienen la mágica capacidad de construir barricadas. Históricamente, desde el siglo XVIII en adelante, han sido muy buenos levantando barricadas. Es algo casi genético. De ese modo levantaron las barricadas en mayo, con el país completamente dividido.

A los estudiantes se unieron los obreros. Hubo huelgas en las fábricas. Y pronto, a comienzos de junio, tuvimos a diez millones de obreros en huelga, muchos de ellos ocupando la sociedad y queriendo dirigir la sociedad. Y tuvimos a Jean-Paul Sartre, el gran filósofo francés, felicitando a los estudiantes y a los obreros y diciendo, "tienes que poner imaginación en las bases del poder." Así que cuando el levantamiento francés transformó el sentir en toda Europa, sin ninguna duda, la gente se asustó.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: ¿Y cómo construyeron los estudiantes ese tipo de alianza con el movimiento obrero? ¿Cómo se extendió más allá de los estudiantes hacia el movimiento obrero?

TARIQ ALÍ: Pienso que cuando los obreros vieron a los estudiantes luchar en las barricadas, les sirvió de ejemplo. Como los estudiantes con lo que habían visto de la lucha de los vietnamitas en Saigón: había que seguirlos. Por eso cuando el Barrio Latino en el corazón de París estuvo bajo el control de los estudiantes fue bautizado como el Barrio del Heroico Vietnam. Y cuando los obreros vieron a los estudiantes luchando en las barricadas se dijeron, "Eh, espera un minuto. Esos chavales están conquistando el estado. Nosotros sufrimos mucho más que ellos." Y poco a poco delegaciones de jóvenes obreros empezaron a llegar de las fábricas de automóviles y de otras fábricas para unirse a los estudiantes. Hay una anécdota que me parece muy divertida, cuando llegaron los obreros de la construcción, vieron lo que los estudiantes habían hecho y de repente dijeron: "Esperad. Podemos enseñaros a construir mejores barricadas", e inmediatamente se construyeron más y mejores barricadas. Este efecto ejemplar se trasladó luego a las fábricas, a los líderes sindicales, los cuales eran, todos ellos sin excepción, comunistas, los cuales se vieron sobrepasados por todo esto hasta que al final no pudieron controlar a los obreros y éstos ocuparon las fábricas.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: ¿Y qué impacto tuvo aquel movimiento en las condiciones sociales de la gente en Francia (porque obviamente Charles de Gaulle, el héroe de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, era el presidente del país por la época) y en el gobierno? ¿Qué tipos de reformas surgieron de aquello?

TARIQ ALÍ: Al gobierno le entró pánico. Cuando Charles de Gaulle, en un raro arranque de ira, pues por lo común era muy altivo, descubrió lo que estaba ocurriendo en su país, dijo que se trataba de "Chie-en-lit" -"mierda en la cama"-. Entonces los estudiantes crearon un cartel con una imagen de de Gaulle y el texto "No, tú eres chie-en-lit" que se pegó por todas las calles de París. Pero a de Gaulle le entró pánico. Durante la huelga general en Francia le entró pánico.

Viajó secretamente para dirigirse a las tropas francesas estacionadas en Baden-Baden, en Alemania, y les preguntó, "Si París cae, ¿me ayudaréis a reconquistarla?". Y el ejército, su general, dijo, "Lo haremos después de que liberes a los generales involucrados en el golpe de estado en Argelia", unos generales de extrema derecha. Y de Gaulle hizo el trato. Nunca llegó a cumplirlo, gracias a Dios, porque entonces se hubiera producido en enorme baño de sangre. No llegó a hacerlo, pero todo aquello demuestra hasta qué punto estaba asustado.

Y tenías también a aquellos periodistas franceses que viajaban por Europa y a los que se preguntaba: "¿Cree que la enfermedad se contagiará? ¿Es muy seria?", porque los gobernantes de toda Europa occidental se pusieron nerviosos.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Volviendo a Francia, ¿qué tipo de impacto hubo en la sociedad francesa, en cuanto a las condiciones de los obreros y de los estudiantes después de aquellos hechos?

TARIQ ALÍ: Bueno, el impacto se tradujo en importantes reformas. ¿Sabes?, el gobierno que vino después del de Gaulle, el de Pompidou, hizo de hecho muchas concesiones en cuestiones salariales, laborales, de mejora de las condiciones en las universidades. Para prevenir una revolución, accedieron a un importante acuerdo con las reclamaciones de los obreros. Los burócratas de los sindicatos fueron a las fábricas y dijeron a los obreros: "Tíos, hemos conseguido un incremento de nuestro salario del 25%". "A la mierda." - "¡Pero bueno! Entonces, ¿qué es lo queréis?" - "Queremos la fábrica."

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: De lo que mucha gente no se da cuenta, creo yo, es que, en los últimos cuarenta años, las clases dominantes en Francia han estado intentando echar marcha atrás a todas las reformas que se consiguieron entonces por un corto período de tiempo, siendo su clase obrera considerada la más consentida por los capitalistas europeos, por lo menos en condiciones generales.

TARIQ ALÍ: Lo es. Y el actual presidente, Nicolas Sarkozy, llegó al poder diciendo: "Mi victoria muestra la muerte del mayo del 68 y de su legado en Francia, que destruiré para siempre." Bueno, lo que está ocurriendo es justamente lo contrario. Su valoración por los franceses, un año después de su victoria electoral, está por los suelos. Es un presidente que no gusta, más impopular incluso que Chirac. Mientras hablamos aquí, en Francia están teniendo lugar huelgas en el sector público.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Me gustaría pasar a hablar de Checoslovaquia, también en 1968. Lo que ocurrió en Francia tuvo tanto impacto como lo que ocurrió en Checoslovaquia con su confrontación con la Unión Soviética.

TARIQ ALÍ: Sabes, Juan, siempre me pareció que, en cierto modo, lo que ocurrió en Checoslovaquia supuso un aliento de esperanza, porque allí hubo una facción reformista dentro del Partido Comunista Checo tratando de convertir Checoslovaquia en una democracia socialista. Dubcek, el líder de los reformistas, declaró querer "un socialismo de rostro humano".

Y aquel socialismo de rostro humano llevó a las más apasionantes discusiones en la prensa y la televisión checas, que se convirtieron en las más libres de Europa, y ello siendo de propiedad estatal. Los periodistas tomaron el control de su trabajo, y la prensa y la televisión se transformaron. Los prisioneros políticos pudieron enfrentarse a sus carceleros en el prime-time televisivo y preguntarles "¿Por qué nos torturáis? ¿Por qué dijistéis esto y aquello?". El país entero estaba politizado.

Y entonces, temerosos de que esta enfermedad particular se extendiera hacia Rusia y Europa oriental -y se daban todas las condiciones para que así fuera-, los rusos enviaron los tanques. Y la respuesta de la OTAN no fue crítica, si miramos que-

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Y enviaron los tanques alrededor de... ¿en qué mes?

TARIQ ALÍ: Agosto.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Agosto.

TARIQ ALÍ: Fue el 21 de agosto de 1968. Los rusos y las potencias del Pacto de Varsovia enviaron los tanques para aplastar el experimento checo. Con ello, y sin saberlo, firmaron su propia sentencia de muerte, porque, interesantemente, cuando a gente como Aleksander Solzhenitsyn, el premio Nobel que escribió sus famosos libros sobre el gulag, se le preguntó cuándo había perdido completamente la esperanza en su propio país y en su capacidad para reformarse desde el propio interior, Solzhenitsyn contestó: "el 21 de agosto de 1968. Cuando detuvieron a los checos por lo que querían hacer, transformar el sistema, supe entonces que era el fin, y perdí la fe en este régimen." Es interesante.

Pero la respuesta de occidente fue muy tibia, porque tampoco estaban muy contentos con el socialismo de rostro humano. Quién sabe qué hubiera ocurrido si hubieran ganado los checos. La historia de Europa hubiera podido ser muy diferente, porque en ella nunca existió un gobierno socialista que fuera democrático. Y aquí hubo la posibilidad de encontrar ambas cosas, lo que sin duda habría dado una forma muy diferente a Europa y al mundo.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Estamos hablando con Tariq Alí, activista político, novelista e historiador. Sus memorias se titulan Años de lucha callejera: una autobiografía de los sesenta. Volvemos en un minuto. Permanezcan en sintonía.

[pausa]

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Estamos hablando con Tariq Alí, el activista político, novelista e historiador. Sus memorias se titulan Años de lucha callejera: una autobiografía de los sesenta. Ha publicado recientemente un extenso artículo en la edición de Londres de The Guardian titulado ¿Adónde ha ido toda la rabia? sobre 1968. Hemos estado hablando sobre Inglaterra, Francia, Checoslovaquia, lugares en los que fermentó el 68 en Europa, pero no fue sólo cosa de Europa o Norteamérica. Hubo movimientos por doquier, movimientos asombrosos, al mismo tiempo en otras partes del Tercer Mundo. Y éstos han recibido, de lejos, muchísima menos atención por parte de los medios de comunicación en las retrospectivas que están haciéndose.

TARIQ ALÍ: Lo sé. De hecho es algo a lamentar. Muestra el lado nostálgico del asunto: la gente sólo quiere recordar que lo que recuerdan de aquella época. Pero creo que hay dos acontecimientos importantes en el Tercer Mundo que se pasan por alto: uno fue la insurrección de los estudiantes mexicanos, que fue el año de los Juegos Olímpicos, no lo olvidemos. Los estudiantes mexicanos lucharon por la democracia en su propio país, y lo hicieron contra un régimen opresivo de facto de partido único. Y las autoridades mexicanas los masacraron. El gobierno mexicano llevó a cabo una enorme masacre. Se asesinaron a cientos de estudiantes, y miles de ellos fueron heridos. Al mismo tiempo, estaban a punto de celebrarse los Juegos Olímpicos. Por cierto, nadie en aquel momento dijo "boicoteemos los Juegos Olímpicos."

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: ¿Qué se reclamaba en México por aquel entonces?

TARIQ ALÍ: Preocupaban la justicia social, la democracia, los derechos democráticos y el fin de un gobierno autoritario y corrupto de partido único. Eso era lo que los estudiantes mexicanos reclamaban, y por lo que fueron acribillados. La imagen más extraordinaria de aquellos Juegos Olímpicos fue la de los dos atletas estadounidenses que ganaron la medalla de oro, dos corredores que ganaron respectivamente la medalla de oro y de plata, cuando subieron al podio. Fue un momento de verdadero orgullo e internacionalismo que, en solidaridad con los estudiantes, cuando recibieron sus medallas permanecieron con la cabeza agachada y levantaron sus brazos para saludar puño en alto, un momento muy emotivo que fue visto en todo el Tercer Mundo como una muestra de solidaridad por parte de los atletas afroamericanos.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Y, por supuesto, en el mismo México, la consecución de justicia o la rectificación de lo que ocurrió allí es desde entonces una batalla política que se fue sucediendo a lo largo de varios gobiernos mexicanos.

TARIQ ALÍ: Se fue sucediendo entonces y se sigue sucediendo hoy, porque en las últimas elecciones mexicanas, como cualquiera que las haya seguido de cerca sabe, engañaron una vez más al electorado. Amañaron las elecciones, no a lo grande, como solían hacer en el pasado, pero sí lo suficiente como negarle a López Obrador la presidencia. La campaña de Obrador movilizó en México mucha más gente que cualquier otra campaña que se haya hecho: reunió literalmente a un millón de personas en el Zócalo, en el corazón de Ciudad de México. Luego dijeron que no consiguió reunir a tanta gente -esta manipulación se repitió en la mayoría de zonas del país. Todo el mundo pensaba que iba a ganar. Pero de repente, en el último momento, amañaron las elecciones, y toda la gente que acusa a Chávez en Venezuela de toda tipo de crímenes y envía a cientos de observadores a vigilar cada movimiento suyo, esa misma gente no estuvo presente cuando el gobierno pro-occidental de México amañó las elecciones contra López Obrador.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Luego están, por supuesto, los acontecimientos que ocurrieron en su patria, probablemente los menos recordados de todos los levantamientos de 1968.

TARIQ ALÍ: Sabes, mucha gente se sorprende cuando se dirigen a mí y me dicen, "Bueno, ya sabemos lo que ocurrió en el 68, pero perdimos en todos los sitios. Luchamos, y perdimos", y yo les contesto, "Esperen un minuto. Hubo un país donde lucharon durante tres meses: fueron los estudiantes en Pakistán, contra la dictadura militar. Y la lucha, que empezó el 7 de noviembre de 1968, duró hasta el 10 de marzo de 1969."

Y si atendemos a la cronología de aquella lucha, Juan, se nos aparece cada vez como más y más importante. Se unieron a ella los obreros, los trabajadores de cuello blanco, los abogados, las mujeres, los jueces salieron a la calle, las prostitutas se organizaron y salieron a la calle. Se convirtió en una lucha social de masas. Y cada día crecía más y más el número de gente asesinada. Todavía hoy no tenemos cifras exactas de cuánta gente murió tiroteada a manos de la policía en Pakistán.

Los obreros del ferrocarril empezaron a cortar las líneas de trenes, sacando las vías de sus raíles, reclamando algo muy simple: el fin de la dictadura y la celebración de unas elecciones democráticas libres en el país. Éstas fueron las dos reclamaciones principales. Pero el dictador militar de aquella época, el mariscal de campo Ayub Khan, apoyado por Washington y Londres, se mantuvo firme hasta que se dio cuenta de que no podía continuar de aquel modo. En marzo fue depuesto. Y recuerdo-

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: ¿Por qué estaba respaldado por Washington y Londres?

TARIQ ALÍ: Bueno, porque Washington, en cuanto a Pakistán, siempre ha preferido que esté gobernado por el ejército antes que por políticos. No se fían demasiado de los políticos. Los tres principales dictadores que Pakistán ha tenido han sido respaldados por Washington. Y de hecho, Ayub fue llevado al poder por Washington en octubre de 1958. Después de 10 años, los estudiantes -fue destituido. Hubo una insurrección, y se vio obligado a marcharse.

Yo estuve en el país por entonces, y el sentir era sencillamente de excitación, de euforia, ¿sabes?, gente celebrándolo en las calles, abrazándose los unos a los otros, distribuyendo caramelos. Y la religión no jugó ningún papel en la lucha. Fue una lucha totalmente secular. Y las tres grandes demandas del movimiento, las demandas sociales del movimiento, fueron comida, ropa y techo para todos.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: También hablas del enorme desarrollo del movimiento feminista en la época, del cual mucha gente, tratándose del mundo musulmán, hoy no sería capaz de imaginar. Pero en el 68 hubo un fuerte movimiento feminista.

TARIQ ALÍ: Hubo fuertes organizaciones de mujeres en ambas partes de Pakistán. Uno de los sucesos más emotivos fue cuando un estudiante fue asesinado en la parte occidental del país y en la parte oriental del país, que más tarde se convertiría en Bangladesh, las mujeres salieron a las calle, muy pocas de ellas con la cabeza cubierta, pero todas descalzas en señal de duelo y solidaridad por lo que les había ocurrido a los estudiantes en el oeste de Pakistán.

Del movimiento feminista a menudo se olvida: ¿por qué se llamaba movimiento de "liberación" de la mujer? La palabra "liberación" vino de Vietnam. El Frente de Liberación Nacional de Vietnam estaba luchando por su libertad; nosotros debíamos luchar por la nuestra. El movimiento de liberación gay, el movimiento de liberación de la mujer, el movimiento de liberación negro, todos ellos estuvieron inspirados por aquella lucha.

Y me parece que lo que sobrevive de aquello, en términos de legado, los grandes logros, fueron probablemente hechos en aquel frente, el frente social y el sexual. Se ganaron derechos para la mujer, el derecho de la mujer al aborto, el fin de los abortos ilegales, la libertad para la homosexualidad, que estaba completamente perseguida. La gente ahora lo olvida, porque las cosas han cambiado mucho en ese tema, pero en países como el Reino Unido a finales de los 50 y en los 60, a primeros de los 60, era ilegal ser homosexual. Ilegal. Se era arrestado si se descubría. Tengo muchos amigos que terminaron encarcelados. Ahora a los jóvenes les cuesta creerlo. Así que el movimiento del 68 fue político y social, y también un movimiento para la liberación sexual, lo cual no debe olvidarse. Muchos de los derechos de los que disfrutan las mujeres y los homosexuales provienen de aquella lucha.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: La religión, como dices, no jugó ningún papel en aquel movimiento, y ahora, en cambio, la religión juega un gran papel en la vida política y en la vida cotidiana del Pakistán actual. ¿Qué transformación ha tenido lugar?

TARIQ ALÍ: ¿Sabes qué?, personalmente no creo que la religión tenga tan gran papel como se dice. Creo que... mire, en las últimas elecciones en Pakistán los partidos religiosos fueron virtualmente barridos del mapa electoral. Es cierto que hay mucha más religiosidad hoy en Pakistán, pero lo cierto es que la hay en todo el mundo, incluyendo este país. Pero en términos de partidos religiosos, no es verdadera ni la idea de que Pakistán está a punto de ser tomada por los jihadistas ni de que los jihadistas podrán poner sus manos sobre la bomba nuclear.

Acabo de escribir un libro sobre Pakistán, que será publicado en septiembre, en el cual cuestiono todas estas mitologías y me pregunto por qué fueron creadas y cuál es su función. La mayor parte del país no se siente atraída ni por los políticos religiosos ni por los jihadistas. Son una minoría muy muy pequeña en Pakistán. Los auténticos problemas de la gente en aquel país son la comida, el vestir, la vivienda, la educación. Y ningún partido político, ni tampoco el ejército, están interesados en resolverlos. La sorpresa es, para mí, que cada vez hay más gente que no se acerca a la religión. No lo hacen.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Así pues, ¿adónde ha ido toda la rabia, cómo te preguntabas en tu artículo? ¿Y por qué encontramos hoy tan poca de aquella rabia que surgió en un breve período de tiempo a finales de los sesenta y a principios de los setenta?

TARIQ ALÍ: Bueno, para empezar era un período completamente diferente. Fue una época de guerra, de revoluciones. No lo olvides, muchas revoluciones tuvieron lugar entonces. Quiero decir, la revolución cubana ocurrió en 1959. El sentimiento era muy diferente, mientras que de lo que somos testimonios ahora es, esencialmente, de intentos de eliminar por completo un movimiento después de grandes derrotas.

Las manifestaciones contra la guerra de Irak en el 2003 fueron gigantescas, mucho mayores que cualquier cosa que ocurriera en los sesenta, tanto en Estados Unidos como en Europa. Gigantescas. Pero fue como un espasmo. Ocurrió y luego desapareció. Y fueron millones los ciudadanos de a pie que salieron a la calle para decir a sus políticos: "Mentís. Sabemos que mentís. No nos obliguéis a entrar en esta guerra." Pero una vez terminó la guerra e Irak fue ocupado, cundió la desmoralización, la depresión, un sentimiento de impotencia, se retiraron. Mientras que el movimiento del 68 creció lentamente y alcanzó su cenit, aquí el movimiento alcanzó rápidamente su cenit en su intento de detener la guerra, y después se desvaneció.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Mencionas las protestas masivas en el 2002 y en el 2003. También tuvimos en este país una protesta masiva sin precedentes hace justamente un año o dos, una protesta de inmigrantes en el país-

TARIQ ALÍ: Sí.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: -contra los intentos de promulgar unas leyes aún más draconianas contra los inmigrantes. Una vez más, el movimiento creció y luego desapareció, y no ha habido ninguna continuidad de relevancia. ¿Podría ser una parte del problema el que no se ponga demasiado énfasis en la necesidad de crear una organización radical y revolucionaria que aguante y dé una respuesta masiva y sea capaz de proporcionar algún tipo de fuerza acumulada a los movimientos progresistas?

TARIQ ALÍ: Bueno, pienso que una parte del problema es que no hay organización política, radical o de cualquier otro tipo, que pueda dar continuidad a estos movimientos, excepto en Latinoamérica, donde país por país, podemos encontrar gigantescos movimientos sociales. Y el resultado de todo ello en Venezuela, en Bolivia, en Ecuador y ahora en Paraguay, en todos sitios, son victorias para la gente ligada a estos movimientos. Así, Latinoamérica, en mi opinión, es uno de los pocos lugares donde cabe la esperanza. Pero en el resto del mundo, los movimientos se inflan y desinflan con la misma rapidez.

Quiero decir, podríamos decir, que un desarrollo inusual en las políticas occidentales es el tamaño de las audiencias que está consiguiendo Barack Obama en sus actos. Ha dado energías a la juventud de una manera en que no había ocurrido antes. Es una locura y resulta sectario decir "pero son demócratas". Sí, lo son, pero eso no es lo que interesa. Lo interesante aquí es que una nueva generación ha vuelto a interesarse por la política. La pregunta es, ¿permanecerá este interés si los demócratas ganan? Aún así, sigue siendo un fenómeno interesante.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Pero entonces la cuestión es: ¿están ligados a la política habitual del Partido Demócrata o, por lo contrario, están ligados a algún tipo de potencial movimiento social, real? Ésa es la gran cuestión, en lo que se refiere a la carrera por la presidencia.

TARIQ ALÍ: Bueno, es... sabes, la fuerza de esta campaña a favor de Obama ha sido que la gente piensa que él ofrece algo diferente, que esto marcará una ruptura. Y, por supuesto, a un nivel, su raza, desde luego marcará una ruptura fenomenal si resulta elegido. Pero en todo lo demás, por supuesto, habrá que verlo con el tiempo. Si gana, mi consejo para todo el mundo aquí es que acuda a la celebración en Washington con pancartas pidiendo la retirada inmediata de las tropas en Irak, que cree un gran movimiento antiguerra, porque teniendo en cuenta que él ha utilizado electoralmente su oposición a la guerra de Irak durante su campaña, uno no debería distanciarse del movimiento, sino encontrar la manera de intervenir por medio del mismo en el curso de la política.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Y en Europa y el Reino Unido hoy, ¿cuáles son las expectativas ante estas elecciones presidenciales?

TARIQ ALÍ: En Europa varía dependiendo del sitio. Quiero decir, que creo, por ejemplo, que en Italia, donde acaba de ganar holgadamente la derecha, les resultaría incómodo, porque ahora hay un gobierno muy racista en Italia. Juan, no sé si la gente aquí lo está siguiendo o no, pero el 68% de los italianos quiere que los gitanos, el pueblo nómada, sea expulsado de su país, olvidando que fueron víctimas del Tercer Reich, eliminados físicamente en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Así que si EEUU elige a un presidente negro, creo que muchos de los italianos de derechas estarán ligeramente desconcertados, diciéndose a sí mismos: "Oh, pero es este tipo de gente el que estamos tratando de sacar de nuestro país."

En el Reino Unido están preparados para ir con quienquiera que Washington escoja, ambos partidos políticos, el Nuevo Laborismo y el Conservador. No les preocupa. Su postura será de apoyo a la Casa Blanca, gane quien gane. Si Obama cambia algunas cosas, le secundarán. No van a pelearse por ello.

Pero Europa, por supuesto, está observando todo este proceso atentamente, porque en Alemania, por ejemplo, y también en otros países, hay políticos que están increíblemente disgustados con la catastrófica empresa que supuso Irak, y ahora, también Afganistán, donde no ven ninguna esperanza. Están esperando que haya un cambio de régimen para poder retirarse y permitir al mundo occidental respirar de nuevo, sin necesidad de ocupar otros países. Pero puede que se trate de una esperanza que no se cumpla, algo que tendremos que esperar para ver.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Bueno, quiero agradecerte tu presencia. Tariq Alí hablará mañana 30 de mayo por la noche, a las 19:30, en el Baruch Performing Arts dentro un ciclo de conferencias titulado "El nuevo imperialismo: viejos problemas y nuevos desafíos". Gracias de nuevo por estar con nosotros.

TARIQ ALÍ: Muchas gracias.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Tariq Alí, activista político, novelista e historiador. Una autobiografía de los sesenta es su último libro. Mañana intervendrá en el Baruch Performing Arts Center aquí en Nueva York.

Publicado originalmente en la Revista Sin Permiso. Traducción de Ángel Ferrero.

The KGB's Ninth Division was established under Yury Andropov to protect Soviet leaders and high-profile foreign guests. KGB officer Valeriy Velichko played an essential role in founding of the institution. Today, Velichko chairs the Vega State Security Veterans Club. He is also the publisher of the project "Lubyanka." KP asked Velichko to share some insider information from his time protecting Soviet leaders. Read how today's leaders are protected in the next issue of our weekly.

Snipers storm apartment over TV remote control

Velichko rarely speaks with journalists, but decided to make an exception for KP.

- I'm a physicist by education. I worked at an engineering department developing rocket engines for "Energy." Later I worked as a KGB counterintelligence officer. In 1985, I became the assistant to the state protection department head and subsequently ran the so-called Ninth Division. I was tasked with protecting Russian and foreign civil servants. I handled all the visits made by Reagan, Mitterand and Bush to Russia, as well as several Palestinian leaders.

- Did anything ever occur?

- There were a number of curious incidents. When Gorbachev and his family first went to Foros, his daughter tried to open the curtains and the ledge fell on her head. She wasn't injured, but everyone party to the incident (about 15 people) was fired. Several Socialist Labor Heroes ended up without a job. We had a Ninth Division deputy head — a remarkable engineer who received the honor of Socialist Labor Hero on two different occasions — who was let go because because of what happened.

...It was during the May 1 celebrations in Moscow. The time was 10:00 on the nose. Everything had been checked thoroughly and our stations were set up. Soviet state officials began climbing the stairs to Lenin's Mausoleum when all the sudden a huge black cloud of smoke could be seen above the GUM department store. Someone looking at the Spasskaya Tower passed the word along that the Nikolskaya Tower was burning. But it turned out some crank had decided to protest by burning a tire on an electric hotplate.

...And right over here (Velichko points to a building), I had positioned snipers when Reagan and Bush stayed at a home near the embassy. If somebody would have tried to climb on this rooftop...! I remember Bush was leaving (ed. It was during a visit while Gorbachev was in office.) and the snipers told me: "Pay close attention to some house or the other." And I looked through my binoculars and saw a man sitting behind a curtain with some remote in his hand. Bush had already left and I couldn't stop him and bring him back. He was on a political visit and such a move would result in an international outcry. So I gave the command to my men to find the individual immediately. Within three minutes my guys had found the apartment, stormed in and indeed the supposed terrorist was standing there next to the window looking at the street with... a TV remote control in his hands! He had been changing the channels. The whole time the snipers were waiting for my command to open fire.

- Were there ever any victims?

- No. We were able to check all our leads before making the decision to shoot. But I was always in very stressful situations. 

Bolshoy Theater

- I was responsible for handling the Bolshoy Theater that Gorbachev loved to visit with his wife Raisa. And ever since I hate the Bolshoy! Several days before the VIPs visited the theater, I held an operational and technical inspection of the premises. The standard of the inspection was such... For example, I would place a bullet in some place or another like the cellar or attic. If my guys didn't find the ammunition, then the check was executed poorly. We had trained dogs on the job, gas analyzers...

But the theater hadn't been remodeled since the 1930s and we discovered all the armature had rotted. So I wrote an official report stating that it was dangerous to hold mass events at the Bolshoy as the building was in decay. But Gorbachev wrote back with the zeal of a Komsomol saying an exception must be made.

...When I first accompanied Gorbachev and his wife to Washington DC, I worked with Raisa and we were making a visit to the ambassador's wife. And out of the blue I saw the Americans suddenly running over. "What happened?" I asked. "You Russians sure are strange," they said. "Why is Raisa Gorbacheva going out among people? We don't have control of the situation!" Their leaders didn't have the right to break the rules, while Gorbachev was able to stop a procession whenever he chose.

Heading abroad with the ZiL!

- I'll explain why we took our ZiL automobiles with us during our official state visits abroad. It sure did cost a lot! But it all started when Nikita Khrushev flew to the U.S. The Americans gave him a Cadillac to ride around in. And when the negotiations ended, Khrushev sat in the car with his ministers and talked about how stupid the Americans were and how he was going to turn them around his finger the next day. But the Cadillac was bugged. When our intelligence unit found out and explained everything to Khrushev — that the Americans had heard the whole conversation — the party leader just waved it off and said he'd give the Americans their gruel!

And so it turned out to be cheaper to ship an automobile halfway across the world than to lose important state negotiations due to an informational leak. I told participants of official state visits to consider they were being listened to at all times. READ MORE

The KGB's Ninth Division was established under Yury Andropov to protect Soviet leaders and high-profile foreign guests. KGB officer Valeriy Velichko played an essential role in founding of the institution. Today, Velichko chairs the Vega State Security Veterans Club. He is also the publisher of the project "Lubyanka." KP asked Velichko to share some insider information from his time protecting Soviet leaders. Read how today's leaders are protected in the next issue of our weekly.

Snipers storm apartment over TV remote control

Velichko rarely speaks with journalists, but decided to make an exception for KP.

- I'm a physicist by education. I worked at an engineering department developing rocket engines for "Energy." Later I worked as a KGB counterintelligence officer. In 1985, I became the assistant to the state protection department head and subsequently ran the so-called Ninth Division. I was tasked with protecting Russian and foreign civil servants. I handled all the visits made by Reagan, Mitterand and Bush to Russia, as well as several Palestinian leaders.

- Did anything ever occur?

- There were a number of curious incidents. When Gorbachev and his family first went to Foros, his daughter tried to open the curtains and the ledge fell on her head. She wasn't injured, but everyone party to the incident (about 15 people) was fired. Several Socialist Labor Heroes ended up without a job. We had a Ninth Division deputy head — a remarkable engineer who received the honor of Socialist Labor Hero on two different occasions — who was let go because because of what happened.

...It was during the May 1 celebrations in Moscow. The time was 10:00 on the nose. Everything had been checked thoroughly and our stations were set up. Soviet state officials began climbing the stairs to Lenin's Mausoleum when all the sudden a huge black cloud of smoke could be seen above the GUM department store. Someone looking at the Spasskaya Tower passed the word along that the Nikolskaya Tower was burning. But it turned out some crank had decided to protest by burning a tire on an electric hotplate.

...And right over here (Velichko points to a building), I had positioned snipers when Reagan and Bush stayed at a home near the embassy. If somebody would have tried to climb on this rooftop...! I remember Bush was leaving (ed. It was during a visit while Gorbachev was in office.) and the snipers told me: "Pay close attention to some house or the other." And I looked through my binoculars and saw a man sitting behind a curtain with some remote in his hand. Bush had already left and I couldn't stop him and bring him back. He was on a political visit and such a move would result in an international outcry. So I gave the command to my men to find the individual immediately. Within three minutes my guys had found the apartment, stormed in and indeed the supposed terrorist was standing there next to the window looking at the street with... a TV remote control in his hands! He had been changing the channels. The whole time the snipers were waiting for my command to open fire.

- Were there ever any victims?

- No. We were able to check all our leads before making the decision to shoot. But I was always in very stressful situations. 

Bolshoy Theater

- I was responsible for handling the Bolshoy Theater that Gorbachev loved to visit with his wife Raisa. And ever since I hate the Bolshoy! Several days before the VIPs visited the theater, I held an operational and technical inspection of the premises. The standard of the inspection was such... For example, I would place a bullet in some place or another like the cellar or attic. If my guys didn't find the ammunition, then the check was executed poorly. We had trained dogs on the job, gas analyzers...

But the theater hadn't been remodeled since the 1930s and we discovered all the armature had rotted. So I wrote an official report stating that it was dangerous to hold mass events at the Bolshoy as the building was in decay. But Gorbachev wrote back with the zeal of a Komsomol saying an exception must be made.

...When I first accompanied Gorbachev and his wife to Washington DC, I worked with Raisa and we were making a visit to the ambassador's wife. And out of the blue I saw the Americans suddenly running over. "What happened?" I asked. "You Russians sure are strange," they said. "Why is Raisa Gorbacheva going out among people? We don't have control of the situation!" Their leaders didn't have the right to break the rules, while Gorbachev was able to stop a procession whenever he chose.

Heading abroad with the ZiL!

- I'll explain why we took our ZiL automobiles with us during our official state visits abroad. It sure did cost a lot! But it all started when Nikita Khrushev flew to the U.S. The Americans gave him a Cadillac to ride around in. And when the negotiations ended, Khrushev sat in the car with his ministers and talked about how stupid the Americans were and how he was going to turn them around his finger the next day. But the Cadillac was bugged. When our intelligence unit found out and explained everything to Khrushev — that the Americans had heard the whole conversation — the party leader just waved it off and said he'd give the Americans their gruel!

And so it turned out to be cheaper to ship an automobile halfway across the world than to lose important state negotiations due to an informational leak. I told participants of official state visits to consider they were being listened to at all times. READ MORE

The KGB's Ninth Division was established under Yury Andropov to protect Soviet leaders and high-profile foreign guests. KGB officer Valeriy Velichko played an essential role in founding of the institution. Today, Velichko chairs the Vega State Security Veterans Club. He is also the publisher of the project "Lubyanka." KP asked Velichko to share some insider information from his time protecting Soviet leaders. Read how today's leaders are protected in the next issue of our weekly.

Snipers storm apartment over TV remote control

Velichko rarely speaks with journalists, but decided to make an exception for KP.

- I'm a physicist by education. I worked at an engineering department developing rocket engines for "Energy." Later I worked as a KGB counterintelligence officer. In 1985, I became the assistant to the state protection department head and subsequently ran the so-called Ninth Division. I was tasked with protecting Russian and foreign civil servants. I handled all the visits made by Reagan, Mitterand and Bush to Russia, as well as several Palestinian leaders.

- Did anything ever occur?

- There were a number of curious incidents. When Gorbachev and his family first went to Foros, his daughter tried to open the curtains and the ledge fell on her head. She wasn't injured, but everyone party to the incident (about 15 people) was fired. Several Socialist Labor Heroes ended up without a job. We had a Ninth Division deputy head — a remarkable engineer who received the honor of Socialist Labor Hero on two different occasions — who was let go because because of what happened.

...It was during the May 1 celebrations in Moscow. The time was 10:00 on the nose. Everything had been checked thoroughly and our stations were set up. Soviet state officials began climbing the stairs to Lenin's Mausoleum when all the sudden a huge black cloud of smoke could be seen above the GUM department store. Someone looking at the Spasskaya Tower passed the word along that the Nikolskaya Tower was burning. But it turned out some crank had decided to protest by burning a tire on an electric hotplate.

...And right over here (Velichko points to a building), I had positioned snipers when Reagan and Bush stayed at a home near the embassy. If somebody would have tried to climb on this rooftop...! I remember Bush was leaving (ed. It was during a visit while Gorbachev was in office.) and the snipers told me: "Pay close attention to some house or the other." And I looked through my binoculars and saw a man sitting behind a curtain with some remote in his hand. Bush had already left and I couldn't stop him and bring him back. He was on a political visit and such a move would result in an international outcry. So I gave the command to my men to find the individual immediately. Within three minutes my guys had found the apartment, stormed in and indeed the supposed terrorist was standing there next to the window looking at the street with... a TV remote control in his hands! He had been changing the channels. The whole time the snipers were waiting for my command to open fire.

- Were there ever any victims?

- No. We were able to check all our leads before making the decision to shoot. But I was always in very stressful situations.

Bolshoy Theater

- I was responsible for handling the Bolshoy Theater that Gorbachev loved to visit with his wife Raisa. And ever since I hate the Bolshoy! Several days before the VIPs visited the theater, I held an operational and technical inspection of the premises. The standard of the inspection was such... For example, I would place a bullet in some place or another like the cellar or attic. If my guys didn't find the ammunition, then the check was executed poorly. We had trained dogs on the job, gas analyzers...

But the theater hadn't been remodeled since the 1930s and we discovered all the armature had rotted. So I wrote an official report stating that it was dangerous to hold mass events at the Bolshoy as the building was in decay. But Gorbachev wrote back with the zeal of a Komsomol saying an exception must be made.

...When I first accompanied Gorbachev and his wife to Washington DC, I worked with Raisa and we were making a visit to the ambassador's wife. And out of the blue I saw the Americans suddenly running over. "What happened?" I asked. "You Russians sure are strange," they said. "Why is Raisa Gorbacheva going out among people? We don't have control of the situation!" Their leaders didn't have the right to break the rules, while Gorbachev was able to stop a procession whenever he chose.

Heading abroad with the ZiL!

- I'll explain why we took our ZiL automobiles with us during our official state visits abroad. It sure did cost a lot! But it all started when Nikita Khrushev flew to the U.S. The Americans gave him a Cadillac to ride around in. And when the negotiations ended, Khrushev sat in the car with his ministers and talked about how stupid the Americans were and how he was going to turn them around his finger the next day. But the Cadillac was bugged. When our intelligence unit found out and explained everything to Khrushev — that the Americans had heard the whole conversation — the party leader just waved it off and said he'd give the Americans their gruel!

And so it turned out to be cheaper to ship an automobile halfway across the world than to lose important state negotiations due to an informational leak. I told participants of official state visits to consider they were being listened to at all times. READ MORE

The KGB's Ninth Division was established under Yury Andropov to protect Soviet leaders and high-profile foreign guests. KGB officer Valeriy Velichko played an essential role in founding of the institution. Today, Velichko chairs the Vega State Security Veterans Club. He is also the publisher of the project "Lubyanka." KP asked Velichko to share some insider information from his time protecting Soviet leaders. Read how today's leaders are protected in the next issue of our weekly.

Snipers storm apartment over TV remote control

Velichko rarely speaks with journalists, but decided to make an exception for KP.

- I'm a physicist by education. I worked at an engineering department developing rocket engines for "Energy." Later I worked as a KGB counterintelligence officer. In 1985, I became the assistant to the state protection department head and subsequently ran the so-called Ninth Division. I was tasked with protecting Russian and foreign civil servants. I handled all the visits made by Reagan, Mitterand and Bush to Russia, as well as several Palestinian leaders.

- Did anything ever occur?

- There were a number of curious incidents. When Gorbachev and his family first went to Foros, his daughter tried to open the curtains and the ledge fell on her head. She wasn't injured, but everyone party to the incident (about 15 people) was fired. Several Socialist Labor Heroes ended up without a job. We had a Ninth Division deputy head — a remarkable engineer who received the honor of Socialist Labor Hero on two different occasions — who was let go because because of what happened.

...It was during the May 1 celebrations in Moscow. The time was 10:00 on the nose. Everything had been checked thoroughly and our stations were set up. Soviet state officials began climbing the stairs to Lenin's Mausoleum when all the sudden a huge black cloud of smoke could be seen above the GUM department store. Someone looking at the Spasskaya Tower passed the word along that the Nikolskaya Tower was burning. But it turned out some crank had decided to protest by burning a tire on an electric hotplate.

...And right over here (Velichko points to a building), I had positioned snipers when Reagan and Bush stayed at a home near the embassy. If somebody would have tried to climb on this rooftop...! I remember Bush was leaving (ed. It was during a visit while Gorbachev was in office.) and the snipers told me: "Pay close attention to some house or the other." And I looked through my binoculars and saw a man sitting behind a curtain with some remote in his hand. Bush had already left and I couldn't stop him and bring him back. He was on a political visit and such a move would result in an international outcry. So I gave the command to my men to find the individual immediately. Within three minutes my guys had found the apartment, stormed in and indeed the supposed terrorist was standing there next to the window looking at the street with... a TV remote control in his hands! He had been changing the channels. The whole time the snipers were waiting for my command to open fire.

- Were there ever any victims?

- No. We were able to check all our leads before making the decision to shoot. But I was always in very stressful situations.

Bolshoy Theater

- I was responsible for handling the Bolshoy Theater that Gorbachev loved to visit with his wife Raisa. And ever since I hate the Bolshoy! Several days before the VIPs visited the theater, I held an operational and technical inspection of the premises. The standard of the inspection was such... For example, I would place a bullet in some place or another like the cellar or attic. If my guys didn't find the ammunition, then the check was executed poorly. We had trained dogs on the job, gas analyzers...

But the theater hadn't been remodeled since the 1930s and we discovered all the armature had rotted. So I wrote an official report stating that it was dangerous to hold mass events at the Bolshoy as the building was in decay. But Gorbachev wrote back with the zeal of a Komsomol saying an exception must be made.

...When I first accompanied Gorbachev and his wife to Washington DC, I worked with Raisa and we were making a visit to the ambassador's wife. And out of the blue I saw the Americans suddenly running over. "What happened?" I asked. "You Russians sure are strange," they said. "Why is Raisa Gorbacheva going out among people? We don't have control of the situation!" Their leaders didn't have the right to break the rules, while Gorbachev was able to stop a procession whenever he chose.

Heading abroad with the ZiL!

- I'll explain why we took our ZiL automobiles with us during our official state visits abroad. It sure did cost a lot! But it all started when Nikita Khrushev flew to the U.S. The Americans gave him a Cadillac to ride around in. And when the negotiations ended, Khrushev sat in the car with his ministers and talked about how stupid the Americans were and how he was going to turn them around his finger the next day. But the Cadillac was bugged. When our intelligence unit found out and explained everything to Khrushev — that the Americans had heard the whole conversation — the party leader just waved it off and said he'd give the Americans their gruel!

And so it turned out to be cheaper to ship an automobile halfway across the world than to lose important state negotiations due to an informational leak. I told participants of official state visits to consider they were being listened to at all times. READ MORE

The KGB's Ninth Division was established under Yury Andropov to protect Soviet leaders and high-profile foreign guests. KGB officer Valeriy Velichko played an essential role in founding of the institution. Today, Velichko chairs the Vega State Security Veterans Club. He is also the publisher of the project "Lubyanka." KP asked Velichko to share some insider information from his time protecting Soviet leaders. Read how today's leaders are protected in the next issue of our weekly.

Snipers storm apartment over TV remote control

Velichko rarely speaks with journalists, but decided to make an exception for KP.

- I'm a physicist by education. I worked at an engineering department developing rocket engines for "Energy." Later I worked as a KGB counterintelligence officer. In 1985, I became the assistant to the state protection department head and subsequently ran the so-called Ninth Division. I was tasked with protecting Russian and foreign civil servants. I handled all the visits made by Reagan, Mitterand and Bush to Russia, as well as several Palestinian leaders.

- Did anything ever occur?

- There were a number of curious incidents. When Gorbachev and his family first went to Foros, his daughter tried to open the curtains and the ledge fell on her head. She wasn't injured, but everyone party to the incident (about 15 people) was fired. Several Socialist Labor Heroes ended up without a job. We had a Ninth Division deputy head — a remarkable engineer who received the honor of Socialist Labor Hero on two different occasions — who was let go because because of what happened.

...It was during the May 1 celebrations in Moscow. The time was 10:00 on the nose. Everything had been checked thoroughly and our stations were set up. Soviet state officials began climbing the stairs to Lenin's Mausoleum when all the sudden a huge black cloud of smoke could be seen above the GUM department store. Someone looking at the Spasskaya Tower passed the word along that the Nikolskaya Tower was burning. But it turned out some crank had decided to protest by burning a tire on an electric hotplate.

...And right over here (Velichko points to a building), I had positioned snipers when Reagan and Bush stayed at a home near the embassy. If somebody would have tried to climb on this rooftop...! I remember Bush was leaving (ed. It was during a visit while Gorbachev was in office.) and the snipers told me: "Pay close attention to some house or the other." And I looked through my binoculars and saw a man sitting behind a curtain with some remote in his hand. Bush had already left and I couldn't stop him and bring him back. He was on a political visit and such a move would result in an international outcry. So I gave the command to my men to find the individual immediately. Within three minutes my guys had found the apartment, stormed in and indeed the supposed terrorist was standing there next to the window looking at the street with... a TV remote control in his hands! He had been changing the channels. The whole time the snipers were waiting for my command to open fire.

- Were there ever any victims?

- No. We were able to check all our leads before making the decision to shoot. But I was always in very stressful situations.

Bolshoy Theater

- I was responsible for handling the Bolshoy Theater that Gorbachev loved to visit with his wife Raisa. And ever since I hate the Bolshoy! Several days before the VIPs visited the theater, I held an operational and technical inspection of the premises. The standard of the inspection was such... For example, I would place a bullet in some place or another like the cellar or attic. If my guys didn't find the ammunition, then the check was executed poorly. We had trained dogs on the job, gas analyzers...

But the theater hadn't been remodeled since the 1930s and we discovered all the armature had rotted. So I wrote an official report stating that it was dangerous to hold mass events at the Bolshoy as the building was in decay. But Gorbachev wrote back with the zeal of a Komsomol saying an exception must be made.

...When I first accompanied Gorbachev and his wife to Washington DC, I worked with Raisa and we were making a visit to the ambassador's wife. And out of the blue I saw the Americans suddenly running over. "What happened?" I asked. "You Russians sure are strange," they said. "Why is Raisa Gorbacheva going out among people? We don't have control of the situation!" Their leaders didn't have the right to break the rules, while Gorbachev was able to stop a procession whenever he chose.

Heading abroad with the ZiL!

- I'll explain why we took our ZiL automobiles with us during our official state visits abroad. It sure did cost a lot! But it all started when Nikita Khrushev flew to the U.S. The Americans gave him a Cadillac to ride around in. And when the negotiations ended, Khrushev sat in the car with his ministers and talked about how stupid the Americans were and how he was going to turn them around his finger the next day. But the Cadillac was bugged. When our intelligence unit found out and explained everything to Khrushev — that the Americans had heard the whole conversation — the party leader just waved it off and said he'd give the Americans their gruel!

And so it turned out to be cheaper to ship an automobile halfway across the world than to lose important state negotiations due to an informational leak. I told participants of official state visits to consider they were being listened to at all times. READ MORE

The KGB's Ninth Division was established under Yury Andropov to protect Soviet leaders and high-profile foreign guests. KGB officer Valeriy Velichko played an essential role in founding of the institution. Today, Velichko chairs the Vega State Security Veterans Club. He is also the publisher of the project "Lubyanka." KP asked Velichko to share some insider information from his time protecting Soviet leaders. Read how today's leaders are protected in the next issue of our weekly.

Snipers storm apartment over TV remote control

Velichko rarely speaks with journalists, but decided to make an exception for KP.

- I'm a physicist by education. I worked at an engineering department developing rocket engines for "Energy." Later I worked as a KGB counterintelligence officer. In 1985, I became the assistant to the state protection department head and subsequently ran the so-called Ninth Division. I was tasked with protecting Russian and foreign civil servants. I handled all the visits made by Reagan, Mitterand and Bush to Russia, as well as several Palestinian leaders.

- Did anything ever occur?

- There were a number of curious incidents. When Gorbachev and his family first went to Foros, his daughter tried to open the curtains and the ledge fell on her head. She wasn't injured, but everyone party to the incident (about 15 people) was fired. Several Socialist Labor Heroes ended up without a job. We had a Ninth Division deputy head — a remarkable engineer who received the honor of Socialist Labor Hero on two different occasions — who was let go because because of what happened.

...It was during the May 1 celebrations in Moscow. The time was 10:00 on the nose. Everything had been checked thoroughly and our stations were set up. Soviet state officials began climbing the stairs to Lenin's Mausoleum when all the sudden a huge black cloud of smoke could be seen above the GUM department store. Someone looking at the Spasskaya Tower passed the word along that the Nikolskaya Tower was burning. But it turned out some crank had decided to protest by burning a tire on an electric hotplate.

...And right over here (Velichko points to a building), I had positioned snipers when Reagan and Bush stayed at a home near the embassy. If somebody would have tried to climb on this rooftop...! I remember Bush was leaving (ed. It was during a visit while Gorbachev was in office.) and the snipers told me: "Pay close attention to some house or the other." And I looked through my binoculars and saw a man sitting behind a curtain with some remote in his hand. Bush had already left and I couldn't stop him and bring him back. He was on a political visit and such a move would result in an international outcry. So I gave the command to my men to find the individual immediately. Within three minutes my guys had found the apartment, stormed in and indeed the supposed terrorist was standing there next to the window looking at the street with... a TV remote control in his hands! He had been changing the channels. The whole time the snipers were waiting for my command to open fire.

- Were there ever any victims?

- No. We were able to check all our leads before making the decision to shoot. But I was always in very stressful situations.

Bolshoy Theater

- I was responsible for handling the Bolshoy Theater that Gorbachev loved to visit with his wife Raisa. And ever since I hate the Bolshoy! Several days before the VIPs visited the theater, I held an operational and technical inspection of the premises. The standard of the inspection was such... For example, I would place a bullet in some place or another like the cellar or attic. If my guys didn't find the ammunition, then the check was executed poorly. We had trained dogs on the job, gas analyzers...

But the theater hadn't been remodeled since the 1930s and we discovered all the armature had rotted. So I wrote an official report stating that it was dangerous to hold mass events at the Bolshoy as the building was in decay. But Gorbachev wrote back with the zeal of a Komsomol saying an exception must be made.

...When I first accompanied Gorbachev and his wife to Washington DC, I worked with Raisa and we were making a visit to the ambassador's wife. And out of the blue I saw the Americans suddenly running over. "What happened?" I asked. "You Russians sure are strange," they said. "Why is Raisa Gorbacheva going out among people? We don't have control of the situation!" Their leaders didn't have the right to break the rules, while Gorbachev was able to stop a procession whenever he chose.

Heading abroad with the ZiL!

- I'll explain why we took our ZiL automobiles with us during our official state visits abroad. It sure did cost a lot! But it all started when Nikita Khrushev flew to the U.S. The Americans gave him a Cadillac to ride around in. And when the negotiations ended, Khrushev sat in the car with his ministers and talked about how stupid the Americans were and how he was going to turn them around his finger the next day. But the Cadillac was bugged. When our intelligence unit found out and explained everything to Khrushev — that the Americans had heard the whole conversation — the party leader just waved it off and said he'd give the Americans their gruel!

And so it turned out to be cheaper to ship an automobile halfway across the world than to lose important state negotiations due to an informational leak. I told participants of official state visits to consider they were being listened to at all times. READ MORE

The KGB's Ninth Division was established under Yury Andropov to protect Soviet leaders and high-profile foreign guests. KGB officer Valeriy Velichko played an essential role in founding of the institution. Today, Velichko chairs the Vega State Security Veterans Club. He is also the publisher of the project "Lubyanka." KP asked Velichko to share some insider information from his time protecting Soviet leaders. Read how today's leaders are protected in the next issue of our weekly.

Snipers storm apartment over TV remote control

Velichko rarely speaks with journalists, but decided to make an exception for KP.

- I'm a physicist by education. I worked at an engineering department developing rocket engines for "Energy." Later I worked as a KGB counterintelligence officer. In 1985, I became the assistant to the state protection department head and subsequently ran the so-called Ninth Division. I was tasked with protecting Russian and foreign civil servants. I handled all the visits made by Reagan, Mitterand and Bush to Russia, as well as several Palestinian leaders.

- Did anything ever occur?

- There were a number of curious incidents. When Gorbachev and his family first went to Foros, his daughter tried to open the curtains and the ledge fell on her head. She wasn't injured, but everyone party to the incident (about 15 people) was fired. Several Socialist Labor Heroes ended up without a job. We had a Ninth Division deputy head — a remarkable engineer who received the honor of Socialist Labor Hero on two different occasions — who was let go because because of what happened.

...It was during the May 1 celebrations in Moscow. The time was 10:00 on the nose. Everything had been checked thoroughly and our stations were set up. Soviet state officials began climbing the stairs to Lenin's Mausoleum when all the sudden a huge black cloud of smoke could be seen above the GUM department store. Someone looking at the Spasskaya Tower passed the word along that the Nikolskaya Tower was burning. But it turned out some crank had decided to protest by burning a tire on an electric hotplate.

...And right over here (Velichko points to a building), I had positioned snipers when Reagan and Bush stayed at a home near the embassy. If somebody would have tried to climb on this rooftop...! I remember Bush was leaving (ed. It was during a visit while Gorbachev was in office.) and the snipers told me: "Pay close attention to some house or the other." And I looked through my binoculars and saw a man sitting behind a curtain with some remote in his hand. Bush had already left and I couldn't stop him and bring him back. He was on a political visit and such a move would result in an international outcry. So I gave the command to my men to find the individual immediately. Within three minutes my guys had found the apartment, stormed in and indeed the supposed terrorist was standing there next to the window looking at the street with... a TV remote control in his hands! He had been changing the channels. The whole time the snipers were waiting for my command to open fire.

- Were there ever any victims?

- No. We were able to check all our leads before making the decision to shoot. But I was always in very stressful situations.

Bolshoy Theater

- I was responsible for handling the Bolshoy Theater that Gorbachev loved to visit with his wife Raisa. And ever since I hate the Bolshoy! Several days before the VIPs visited the theater, I held an operational and technical inspection of the premises. The standard of the inspection was such... For example, I would place a bullet in some place or another like the cellar or attic. If my guys didn't find the ammunition, then the check was executed poorly. We had trained dogs on the job, gas analyzers...

But the theater hadn't been remodeled since the 1930s and we discovered all the armature had rotted. So I wrote an official report stating that it was dangerous to hold mass events at the Bolshoy as the building was in decay. But Gorbachev wrote back with the zeal of a Komsomol saying an exception must be made.

...When I first accompanied Gorbachev and his wife to Washington DC, I worked with Raisa and we were making a visit to the ambassador's wife. And out of the blue I saw the Americans suddenly running over. "What happened?" I asked. "You Russians sure are strange," they said. "Why is Raisa Gorbacheva going out among people? We don't have control of the situation!" Their leaders didn't have the right to break the rules, while Gorbachev was able to stop a procession whenever he chose.

Heading abroad with the ZiL!

- I'll explain why we took our ZiL automobiles with us during our official state visits abroad. It sure did cost a lot! But it all started when Nikita Khrushev flew to the U.S. The Americans gave him a Cadillac to ride around in. And when the negotiations ended, Khrushev sat in the car with his ministers and talked about how stupid the Americans were and how he was going to turn them around his finger the next day. But the Cadillac was bugged. When our intelligence unit found out and explained everything to Khrushev — that the Americans had heard the whole conversation — the party leader just waved it off and said he'd give the Americans their gruel!

And so it turned out to be cheaper to ship an automobile halfway across the world than to lose important state negotiations due to an informational leak. I told participants of official state visits to consider they were being listened to at all times. READ MORE

pdf, buitenland:>de-pers-woensdag-30-januari-2008

Nous vous proposons le téléchargement du texte :
La contribution "Clarté, courage, créativité : pour un grand congrès socialiste" présentée par Bertrand Delanoë et ses amis (264ko au format pdf)

Les élus qui soutiennent Bertrand Delanoë et ce texte - premiers signataires (52 ko au format pdf)

La conclusion de la contribution résume notre état d'esprit : " nous souhaitons un congrès d’idées, qui concilie clarté, courage, créativité et goût d’être ensemble pour porter une nouvelle dynamique de progrès et de victoire. N’ayons pas peur de nos différences. Tranchons-les par le débat et par le respect du choix des socialistes. Nous y gagnerons tous en lisibilité et en unité.
Dans la clarté".

Rejoignez-nous.

Ma anche quelli interessati alla comunicazione politica non possono prescindere dai lavori di questo guru della pubblicità francese: come minimo Le vertige des urnes (Flammarion, 2000) e il recente La prise de l'Elysée, scritto con Thierry Saussez (Plon, 2007).

Nell'intervista sul Corriere, Séguéla riprende una delle sue celebri regole per la comunicazione politica, "Si vota per un uomo e non per un partito", criticando su questa base gli attuali manifesti del Popolo della Libertà.

Testuali parole:

«- Non voglio fare il saccentello, ma… mi cascano le braccia. Siamo tornati alle réclame vecchio stampo.
- Non le piace “Rialzati, Italia”?
- Tecnicamente lo slogan è ineccepibile. Due parole, chiare. È molto di destra. Più di quanto lo sia mai stato Berlusconi. È imperativo, volontaristico, quasi violento. Troppo per questi tempi: oggi la comunicazione di un grande leader deve essere una specie conversazione, coinvolgente. Il contrario di quanto ha fatto il Pdl. L’errore più grave però è l’immagine…
- Qual è il problema?
- È arcaica. Ci sono tre regole della comunicazione politica che sono intangibili.
- La prima?
- Si vota l’uomo, non il partito. E nei manifesti per ora manca la faccia di Berlusconi.
- Il suo staff dice che c’era l’esigenza di far conoscere il Pdl, una nuova alleanza.
- E che c’entra? Si vota comunque l’emozione che ti dà un volto. Per questo la campagna di posizionamento di Veltroni è più azzeccata» (Corriere della Sera Magazine, n.13, 27 marzo 2008, pp. 66-67).

Ora, mentre il resto della opinioni espresse da Séguéla nell'intervista mi trova entusiasticamente d'accordo, questa proprio no. Tralascio ogni ulteriore commento sulla foto di Veltroni, carente proprio perché non dà l'emozione che dovrebbe.

Ma l'assenza del volto di Berlusconi dai manifesti non mi pare affatto un errore, anzi. Trovo che sia perfettamente coerente con il modo in cui, fin dall'inizio di questa tornata elettorale, il leader del centrodestra si è posizionato rispetto al suo principale avversario: Veltroni è un parolaio - dice Berlusconi - uno capace di usare i trucchetti della televisione ("della fiction", ripete), io no di certo, io mi rifiuto di farlo perché mi occupo di cose serie e problemi concreti. Veltroni è il comunicatore, il venditore di sogni - dice Berlusconi - io l'uomo dei fatti. È su questa stessa base - facci caso - che ora il leader del centrodestra sta motivando il suo rifiuto di partecipare al faccia a faccia televisivo.

Per questo, credo, ha accuratamente evitato di mettere la sua faccia nei manifesti. Il che è un bel paradosso: proprio Berlusconi che nel 1994 fu il primo, in Italia, a introdurre nella comunicazione politica le tecniche pubblicitarie, ora ci racconta di non saper comunicare. Proprio lui, l'uomo delle televisioni, ora rifiuta il faccia a faccia televisivo. Mi pare l'ennesima, e abile, mossa di un ottimo comunicatore.

]]> http://fazioso.wordpress.com/?p=30 Sat, 05 Apr 2008 14:35:28 +0000 fazioso http://fazioso.fr.wordpress.com/2008/04/05/berlusconi-e-vecchio-ecco-gli-argomenti-del-pd/ Da repubblica: Per Dario Franceschini, vicesegretario del Pd, "Berlusconi è vecchio per guidare il Paese".

Stendiamo un velo pietoso su franceschini, uomo politico dalle scarsissime qualità (ricorderete tutti la figura pessima che fece con fini a Ballarò) ma allo stesso tempo rendiamoci conto di quanto gli argomenti del