At least five people have been killed in a suspected car bomb attack on a military bus carrying soldiers in the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli.

Witnesses said the blast happened on the outskirts of the city during morning rush hour. Some 30 people are believed to be wounded.

Several soldiers as well as civilians were killed in a similar blast on a bus in the city last month.

Lebanon's leaders said the attacks were an attempt to destabilise the country.

Efforts have been under way recently to try and reconcile Lebanon's rival factions after a wave of violence in May pushed the country close to civil war.

Pro-government Sunni fighters and pro-Syrian gunmen, whose fighting has centred on Tripoli, agreed to a peace deal earlier this month.

Threatened deal

Lebanese officials said the blast came after a car parked by a busy roadside near the southern entrance to the city was detonated by remote control.

The explosives were believed to have been mixed with nuts and bolts, and shattered nearby windows and damaged other cars.

The blast appeared to target a military bus that was passing through morning traffic in the Bahsas neighborhood at the time.

Security sources said four of the dead and at least 21 of the wounded were soldiers, the rest were civilians.

TV pictures showed soldiers sealing off the area and preventing people from approaching the scene of the blast.

Government officials said an investigation into the attack was under way, but no one had yet claimed responsibility.

At least 14 people were killed in a similar attack on a bus in the city in August. Several of the victims were off-duty soldiers.

'Terrorist act'

"Once again the hand of treachery has reached the military institution in a clear targeting of security and stability," the Lebanese military said in a statement after Monday's attack.

Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri said the bombing was aimed at undermining efforts to reconcile Lebanon's various rival factions.

Syria too denounced the bombing, calling it a "terrorist and criminal act".

A similar bombing in the Syrian capital Damascus killed at least 17 people just two days ago.

The Syrian authorities have blamed the attack on Islamist extremists, and say the car came from a "neighbouring Arab country".

Some analysts believe this new trend for car bombings in the region is directly linked to the changing situation in Iraq.

As the security situation improves there, analysts say, so insurgents are driving their members across the border into neighboring countries.

Trente années, déjà, se sont écoulées depuis la mystérieuse disparition, en Libye, de Moussa Sadr. Pourtant, si l’énigme demeure entière, l’héritage laissé par ce leader charismatique de la communauté chiite libanaise reste indéniable.

Hier, Nabih Berri, le président du parlement et chef du mouvement chiite Amal, a saisi l’occasion d’un rassemblement de milliers de personnes, à Nabatiyé, au Sud du pays, pour rouvrir un dossier resté en sommeil depuis longtemps, et dénoncer ouvertement le régime lybien. « Nous disons à la tête du régime libyen, Mouammar Kadhafi: vous assumez personnellement la responsabilité de la disparition de l'imam Moussa Sadr », a-t-il déclaré devant la foule.

Ses déclarations suivent également de quelques jours la décision de la justice libanaise d’inculper et de demander l'arrestation de Mouammar Kadhafi pour la disparition de l'imam chiite.

Trente ans plus tard, l’histoire a donc rendez-vous avec l’actualité…Mais au-delà des règlements de compte et des démêlés politiques que la commémoration de sa disparition font ressusciter, le legs laissé par « Moussa Sadr » est toujours aussi vivant dans les esprits…

Pour beaucoup de chiites, Moussa Sadr symbolise avant tout l’ascension sociale de leur communauté. Il est celui qui lui insuffla la fierté et l’élan qui transforma cette minorité marginalisée et pauvre en une force incontournable. Un peu partout, son poster continue à flotter, sur les façades des immeubles, à l’entrée de certains restaurants…

Barbe brune et turban noir des descendants du prophète, Moussa Sadr fut également à l’origine de la création, en 1975, de la milice Amal (Espoir), destinée à assurer la défense de la communauté chiite. Quelques années plus tard, c’est d’une scission avec Amal que naîtra le Hezbollah.

Ses partisans aiment à rappeler que lorsque la guerre civile éclata, en mai 1975, Moussa Sadr s’opposa fermement au conflit. « L’arme ne résout pas la crise, mais augmente la déchirure de la nation », aurait-il déclaré.

Kesempatan emas itu datang ketika saya meliput ke Libanon awal Februari lalu. Seorang anggota Hizbullah bernama Haji Abu Ali meminta saya menunggu di depan kantor Dewan Tertinggi Syiah, kawasan Harit Thariq, Beirut, pukul satu siang. Saya datang dengan menumpang mobil Kedutaan Besar Republik Indonesia.

Setelah menunggu sepuluh menit, datang seorang pemuda berpakaian serba hitam dengan mengendarai motor. “Indonesia?” tanya dia. Saya mengangguk. Sekejap kemudian, ia berlalu dan saya mengikutinya dari belakang. Lima menit kemudian, kami berhenti di sebuah bangunan pemukiman.

Kami masuk dari samping lewat gang sempit yang hanya cukup satu mobil. Di sana terparkir sebuah mercy hijau yang mungkin milik Muhammad Ra’ad. Kami menaiki tangga menuju lantai empat. Lalu memasuki sebuah ruangan di mana terdapat empat anggota Hizbullah. Setelah menunggu 15 menit, saya pun bertemu dengan salah satu pendiri Hizbullah itu.

Sehari sebelumnya, saya juga ke markas Hizbullah di daerah ini. Bedanya saya dijemput seseorang bernama Adnan Husaini. Kami berhenti di sebuah bangunan yang sedang diperbaiki. Lalu menuju ke lantai empat. Urusan saya ketika itu: mendaftar untuk mewawancarai Hasan Nasrallah. Setelah mengisi formulir, Wafa Hutait, petugas pendaftaran, memindai paspor dan kartu pers saya.

Wafa menegaskan kembali apa yang saya tulis dalam formulir. Selain wawancara, saya juga ingin menginap di tempat persembunyian Nasrallah dan memotret kegiatan sehari-harinya. Hingga kini, kesempatan itu belum datang. “Permohonan sudah kami ajukan, tinggal menunggu jawaban dari Beliau,” kata Wafa yang berkali-kali saya hubungi setelah kembali ke Jakarta.

Dua kali ke markas Hizbullah dua kali pula saya dibuat kagum. Kagum terhadap para pemuda yang dengan gagah dan bangga menyandang senjata jenis M-16 atau AK-47. Di wajah mereka saya lihat kebanggaan sebagai seorang patriot yang berani melawan Israel.

Kondisi politik yang tak menentu membuat Ra'ad dan elit politik lain membatasi diri tampili muka umum. Mereka tidak mau senasib dengan Rafiq Hariri, mantan perdana menteri Libanon selama periode yang tewas akibat bom mobil pada 14 Februari 2005. Sejak, saat itu, lima orang mengalami nasib serupa, termasuk dua wartawan dan Menteri Perindustrian Pierre Gamayel.

Era 1975-1990 adalah mimpi buruk bagi rakyat Libanon. Perang saudara itu bermula dari perkelahian antara seorang warga Libanon dan sekelompok orang Palestina di Ain ar-Rumanah, Beirut, April 1975. Berlangsung pula lima pembantaian besar, termasuk dua serangan Israel di kamp Sabra dan Satila. Perang selama 15 tahun itu menewaskan 100 ribu orang dan 14 juta lainnya eksodus ke luar negeri.

Sisa-sisa perang berupa bangunan rusak dan tak berpenghuni masih terlihat di Beirut, terutama di daerah perbatasan antara Islam dan Kristen. Bahkan sejumlah bangkai bus dikumpulkan di sebuah lapangan terbuka di sisi jalan menuju kantor Kementerian Luar Negeri.

Belum sepenuhnya pulih, perang besar kembali melanda negeri berpenduduk sekitar empat juta jiwa itu pada 12 Juli-14 Agustus 2006. Ini dipicu oleh penolakan Hizbullah membebaskan dua tentara Israel yang diculik sebulan sebelumnya.

Dua ribu warga sipil tewas dan Libanon merugi US$ 11,4 miliar (Rp 10,26 triliun), terutama di sektor pariwisata. Para turis asing biasanya membanjiri negara ini tiap musim panas (Mei-September). “Hizbullah telah menghancurkan segalanya. Kini tidak ada lagi orang yang mau datang ke Libanon,” kata Patricia Khoder, 34 tahun, warga Beirut.

Wilayah Libanon Selatan yang menjadi basis Hizbullah menderita kerusakan parah. Jalan tol yang menghubungkan Beirut dengan daerah Selatan sulit dilalui. Jembatan dan bangunan-bangunan yang rusak masih tampak di kota Tyre, Nabatiyah, dan Qana.

Di Qana – bisa ditempuh dua jam dengan mobil dari Beirut - Israel kembali membantai warga sipil untuk kedua kali. Sebelumnya, pada 19 April 1996, 107 orang dan hampir 50 staf PBB menjadi korban. Hasil serangan udara kali ini merenggut 29 nyawa, termasuk 24 anak-anak. Para korban berusia 9 bulan-75 tahun berasal dari dua keluarga besar, yakni: 11 orang dari keluarga Mahmud Ibrahim Hasyim dan sisanya dari keluarga Hasan Husain Salhub.

Menurut Sana binti Ahmad Mahmud Salhub, pengeboman mulai berlangsung sekitar pukul satu dinihari pada 30 Juli 2006. Kakeknya, Mahmud Salhub, menyuruh Sana dan dua saudaranya tetap berada di rumah dan tidak mengikuti mereka mengungsi ke tempat lain.

Mereka bertiga tak bisa tidur semalaman. “Dalam semalam, Israel terdengar enam bunyi ledakan,” sambung Jamil Salami, 40 tahun. Esoknya, Sana mendapati orang tua, kakek, dan saudara-saudaranya meninggal di bawah reruntuhan bangunan. Semua korban baru bisa dikuburkan pada 17 Agustus setelah terjadi gencatan senjata.

Untuk mengobati kangen, Sana hanya bisa menatap foto keluarga yang tergantung di ruang tamu rumahnya yang menghadap lembah penuh pohon zaitun. “Kalau saya bertemu orang Israel, saya akan memotongnya kecil-kecil secara perlahan,” kata gadis 14 tahun ini dengan wajah penuh dendam kepada Tempo di rumahnya.

Di Beirut, kerusakan paling parah terlihat di Harit Thariq, kawasan pemukiman kelompok Syiah-Hizbullah. Sedikitnya, ada lima tanah kosong dipenuhi reruntuhan bangunan. Tiga di antaranya memperlihatkan lubang besar yang menjadi pondasi bangunan. Sedang bangunan yang rusak sebagian tersebar cukup banyak.

Meski begitu, warga yang berseliweran seolah tak acuh dengan pemandangan bangunan yang rusak. Sejauh ini, belum ada perbaikan walau perang sudah lama berakhir. “Masih terjadi tarik ulur antara Hizbullah dan pemerintah soal siapa yang harus membiayai,” kata Muhammad Zainal Aziz, staf lokal KBRI Beirut.

Tapi tidak gampang bagi orang asing untuk memotret bangunan yang rusak dari luar. Seorang pemuda penjaga toko melarang dengan menggunakan bahasa tubuh bahwa kamrea saya akan dirampas dan diinjak-injak. “Kita juga tidak boleh memotret tentara Hizbullah,” ujar Aziz. Saya pun menjepret dari dalam mobil.

Mereka juga mencurigai warga asing yang mencoba mendekati salah satu pentolan Hizbullah. Ini terjadi ketika pada suatu malam saya mengunjungi toko milik Abdullah yang menjual pelbagai pernik soal Hizbullah dan Syiah. Mulai dari poster berbingkai, kaos, hingga gantungan kunci bergambar Hasan Nasrallah.

Sejumlah orang bolak-balik di depan toko sambil memandang curiga kearah saya yang sedang melihat-lihat barang. Tak ketinggalan, tiga pemuda di seberang jalan. Yang membuat saya sedikit kuatir, dua pemuda menenteng senapan otomatis memandangi saya.

“Dia (Abdullah) salah satu pentolan Hizbullah di daerah ini,” kata Muhammad Arkan, warga Indonesia yang tinggal di daerah Hizbullah. Saya kian yakin setelah seorang kakek berpakaian dan kopiah serba putih meminta bantuan untuk mengusir anak-anak muda yang ribut sehingga mengganggu tidurnya.

Di negara ini, senjata bebas beredar di mana-mana. Saya sempat berpapasan dengan seorang pemuda dengan santainya menyeret senapan di tepi jalan yang ramai pada suatu siang. Malam sebelumnya, seorang warga bernama Hasan yang saya temui di tempat cukur juga membawa pistol yang terlihat menyebul dari balik jaket hitamnya.

Saya juga menyaksikan senjata dijual bebas di toko milik Ahmad, warga Syiah. Sebelumnya, ia memiliki pabrik pembuatan peluru di Libanon Selatan yang hancur dibom Israel, Juli tahun lalu. “Di sini tiap orang bebas memilki senjata tanpa ijin,” kata Habib Karout, warga Kristen Beirut.

Secara sosial-politik, rakyat Libanon membagi wilayahnya berdasarkan agama dan sekte. Terutama setelah perang saudara. Di negeri ini, ada 17 aliran agama dengan pelbagai sekte: 5 Islam (Syiah, Sunni Druze, Ismaili, Alawi); 11 Kristen (4 Ortodoks-Armenia, Yunani, Suriah, Nestoria-Assyiria; 6 Katolik-Armenia, Suriah, Kaldea, Yunani, Romawi, Maronit dan 1 Protestan) dan Yahudi. Berdasar etnis, terdiri dari masyarakat Arab, Armenia, dan Kurdi.

Tiap wilayah pemukiman punya ciri tertentu. Di kawasan Syiah-Hizbullah banyak dijumpai poster besar Sayyid Hasan Nasrallah, Abbas al-Musawi, atau Musa Sadr. Di daerah Syiah-Amal, poster para imam Syiah itu selalu berdampingan dengan Nabih Berri, Ketua Partai Gerakan Amal sekaligus Ketua Parlemen. Sedang gambar Perdana Menteri Fuad Siniora mendominasi daerah Sunni.

Polarisasi rakyat Libanon kembali muncul sejak pemilu Juni 2005. Munculnya kelompok mayoritas baru yang merupakan koalisi Islam Sunni-Druze-Kristen dan didominasi kelompok proHariri tidak cukup kuat untuk mengendalikan seluruh proses politik di negara itu.

Masih ada dua kelompok yang sangat menentukan poerimbangan politik, yakni mayoritas Kristen yang dipimpin pensiunan jenderal Michael Aoun (memperoleh ¾ suara Kristen) yang menganggap dirinya pihak oposisi dan blok Syiah yang merupakan gabungan antara Gerakan Amal (Nabih Berri) dan Hizbullah (Hasan Nasrallah).

Kedua kelompok ini cukup kompak dalam menyikapi isu-isu strategis, seperti dukungan terhadap Presiden Emil Lahud. Sedang kubu Hariri menganggap Presiden Lahud illegal lantaran masa jabatannya sudah habis sejak 2004, namun diperpanjang faksi proSuriah hingga 2007. Soal Hariri, para mneteri Syiah menuduh rekan sekabinet mereka tidak bersikap obyektif dan cenderung apriori terhadap keterlibatan Suriah.

Perpecahan dalam kabinet juga terjadi dalam menanggapi Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB nomor 1559 yang menuntut perlucutan senjata semua kelompok paramiliter di Libanon. Ini menjadikan Hizbullah sebagai satu-satunya sasaran. Padahal, menurut para menteri Syiah, hanya Hizbullah yang dapat diandalkan untuk mengakhiri dan menangkal pendudukan Israel di Libanon.

Terkait Perang 34 hari, koalisi Aoun, Nasrallah, dan Berri menuding pemerintah tidak proaktif mengatasi kerugian akibat perang itu. Dampak politiknya, lima menteri Syiah dan tiga menteri dari kubu Aoun mundur. Tidak puas sampai di situ, kelompok oposisi mengadakan demonstrasi besar-besaran yang melibatkan sekitar satu juta orang di Lapangan Martir, pusat Kota Beirut, sejak 8 Maret 2006. Enam hari berselang, giliran kubu pemerintah melakukan aksi serupa.

Menurut Muhammad Hasan Ra’ad, Ketua Fraksi Hizbullah di parlemen, aksi akan terus berlanjut hingga pemerintah persatuan nasional bisa terbentuk. Ia secara tegas membantah pihak oposisi berniat menjatuhkan pemerintah Perdanan Menteri Fuad Siniora. “Yang kami tuntut adalah perluasan pemerintahan di mana Siniora tetap menjadi perdana menteri dan oposisi memiliki peran yang cukup dalam membuat keputusan bersama,” katanya.

Situasi yang memanas memaksa tentara pemerintah membuat pos pemeriksaan di perbatasan antara Sunni-Syiah dan Islam-Kristen. Biasanya ditempatkan satu unit tank dengan lima tentara. Perdana Menteri Siniora tidak ingin mengambil resiko kembali meletusnya perang saudara.

Perang yang sering melanda Libanon telah membuat sebagian rakyatnya bosan. “Saya muak dengan perang. Saya ingin hidup tenang dan damai,” kata Ali Jabir, warga Syiah di Beirut. Keinginan Ali dan sebagian warga Libanon lainnya didukung oleh pemerintah. Mereka membuat papan iklan dalam bahasa Arab dan Inggris yang bertulisan “Saya Mencintai Hidup”.

Tapi ingat, ini cuma sementara. Perang baru akan berkobar lagi di Libanon. “Mereka (Israel) sendiri yang berkoar-koar akan melakukan serangan musim panas depan (Mei-September),” kata Raad.

Faisal Assegaf (Beirut, Februari 2007)

Lebanon chief mends ties in Syria

The Lebanese and Syrian presidents have been holding talks in Damascus, where they formally confirmed a move to establish full diplomatic relations.

Lebanese President Michel Suleiman was given a red-carpet welcome by President Bashar al-Assad, the first such visit after a turbulent three years.

Tension has been high since the 2005 assassination of Lebanon's former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.

Many Lebanese blame Damascus for the killing, but it denies involvement.

The two leaders were meeting in the Syrian capital a month after a summit in Paris, where they agreed to establish diplomatic ties and open embassies.

"The two presidents... have instructed their foreign ministers to take the necessary steps in this regard, starting from today," said Buthaina Shaaban, an adviser to President Assad.

The Arab neighbours are set to normalise relations for the first time since the Arab neighbours gained independence from France in the 1940s.

Hours before Mr Suleiman flew to Damascus for the two-day visit, a bomb exploded in the northern Lebanese port city of Tripoli, the scene of fierce street fighting between pro- and anti-Syria supporters since May.

Lebanon's pro-Syrian parliament speaker Nabih Berri said the timing of the attack was meant "to prevent the improvement of Lebanese-Syrian relations".

Syria's foreign ministry called the attack a "criminal act" and voiced support for Lebanon "in the face of all those who are manipulating its security and stability".

Tough issues

The BBC's Bethany Bell in Damascus says despite progress in relations between the two nations, potential stumbling blocks remain - not least over the international tribunal into the death of Mr Hariri.

Past international investigators said Syrian intelligence and its Lebanese associates had played a role, although the report of the latest prosecutor - Daniel Bellemare of Canada - spoke of a criminal network without saying whether it had political motives.

Syrian officials have consistently and strenuously denied any Syrian role.

Syria kept a large military and intelligence presence in Lebanon after the civil war ended in 1990, but it was forced to withdraw after the Hariri assassination because of massive public pressure in Lebanon with strong international support.

Settling relations with Syria is a top priority for the new government in Lebanon.

The unity coalition was formed after the Qatari-mediated Doha accord which ended months of deadlock and bouts of violence between pro-Syria factions and supporters of the Western-backed government.

The Doha accord also allowed the installation of former army chief Mr Suleiman as president, a candidate deemed acceptable on both sides of the political divide.

Other issues for discussion in Damascus are likely to be demarcating the mountainous Lebanon-Syria border and determining the fate of Lebanese detainees in Syria.

The opportunity emerged when I visited Lebanon in February 2007. A member of Hezbollah namely Hajj Abu Ali asked me to wait at 13.00 pm in front of the office of Shiite Supreme Council, Harit Thariq, Beirut. I went there with a Mercedes Benz belongs to the Embassy of Indonesia.

After waiting for ten minutes, a young man in black came by motorcycle to me. “Indonesia?” he asked. I nodded and then he went away. I followed him and then in five minutes we stopped in a damaged building.

We came in from beside of the building through a path that only enough for one car. We found a green Mercedes parked there. I think it’s may be owned by Muhammad Hasan Ra’ad, a Hezbollah senior leader. We walked up the stairs to the fourth floor. And then came into a room that I saw four Hezbollah members. After waiting for 15 minutes, I met Hasan Ra’ad.

A day before, I also visited Hezbollah base camp in this area. At that time, I was taken by a man namely Adnan Husaini. We stopped at a building under construction. We also went up to the fourth floor. My purpose at that time is applying for interview with Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, I filled a form and then my passpord and press card scanned by Wafa Hutait, woman in charge.

Wafa reaffirmed what I wrote on the form. A side of interview, I want to stay a night in Nasrallah’s secret place. I desire to describe his daily activities. But until now, the opportunity is not coming yet. “We have submitted your application, waiting for his answer,” Wafa said many times I called her.

I always admire in my twice opportunity visited Hezbollah base camp. I admired on the bravely and proudly young men with their M-16 and AK-47. I saw on their faces pride as patriots bravely fighting against Israeli military.

Unstable political situation made Hasan Ra’ad and other Lebanese political elites their appearances in public. Off course they don’t want to die like Rafiq Hariri, a former Lebanese prime minister killed by a car bomb on 14 February 2005. Since that, five people murdered, including two journalists and Industry Minister Pierre Gamayel.

Era of 1975 – 1990 is a bad dream for Lebanese people. The civil war caused by fighting between a Lebanese man and a gourp of Palestinians in Ain ar-Rumanah, Beirut, April 1975. There are five massacres during the war, included Israeli strike against Sabra and Shatila refugee camp. The 15 years war killed 100,000 and force 14,000 exiled abroad.

Remains of war, such as destroyed buildings and without settlers can be seen in Beirut, particularly in the border of Muslim and Christian communities. There also a number of bus wreckages collected in a field at roadside of the street to the office of foreign ministry. A great war erupted again in that country of four million people on 12 July – 14 August 2006. It caused by Hezbollah refusal to give two Israeli soldiers they abducted.

It caused about 2,000 civilians died and Lebanon lost US$ 11.4 billion, especially from tourism sector. Foreign tourists visit Lebanon every summer (May – September). “Hezbollah has damaged everything. Today, nobody wants to come to Lebanon,” said Patricia Khoder, 34, from Beirut.

Hezbollah strong base in south Lebanon is the most damaged caused by the war. The highway from Beirut to southern areas is difficult to pass. Bridges and damages buildings can be seen in Tyre, Nabatiyeh, and Qana.

In Qana – could be reached two hours by car from Beirut – Israeli military massacred civilian for the second time. Previously, on 19 April 1996, 107 people and 50 the UN staff were killed. At this time, Israeli air strike has killed 29 people, included 24 children. The victims aged form 9 months – 75 years old are from two big families, 11 from Mahmud Ibrahim Hashim’s family and the rest of Hasan Susain Salhub’s family.

According to Sana, daughter of Ahmad Mahmud Salhub, the bombings started from 01.00 on 31 July 2006. Her grand father, Mahmud Salhub, asked Sana her two sisters stay in their house and not followed the others evacuated.

They couldn’t sleep along that night. “In one night, I heard six explosions,” said Jamil Salami, 40 years. At tomorrow, Sana acknowledged her father, grandfather and her families killed under building debris. All victims could be buried on 17 August after cease-fire.

To handle her longing, now days Sana only can look at her family pictures hang on the wall at the living room. Her house faces a valley full of olive trees. “If I meet Israelis, I will slice them slowly,” said this 14 year old girl with grievance seemed at her face.

In Beirut, the worst damage area in Harit Thariq, a settlement of Shiite Hezbollah. At least, there have been five places full of building ruins. Three of them had a big hole. Most of buildings were damaged in Harit zone.

Even though, the passers weren’t concerned. So far, there was no reconstruction projects even the war was over. “The negotiation between Hezbollah and Lebanese government are on going process,” said Muhammad Zainal Aziz, a local staff of the Embassy of Indonesia.

But it’s not easy for foreigners to capture damaged buildings from outside. A shop keeper threatened to destroy my camera when I tried to take pictures. “We can’t take picture on Hezbollah soldiers,” Aziz said. Therefore, I took picture from inside the car.

They were also suspicious on foreigners tried to approach Hezbollah figures. It happened to me when while I visited a shop owned by Abdullah. That shop sell souvenirs related to Hezbollah and Shiite, such as posters, shirts, and key holders with picture of Hassan Nasrallah.

Several men passed there and back in front of the shop. They watched me suspiciously when I selected the souvenirs. I also saw another three young men at the other side of street. I became a little worried while two young men with automatic weapons looked at me.

“He (Abdullah) was a leader of Hezbollah in this area,” said Muhammad Arkan, an Indonesian who lived near this area. I was convinced when an older man in white asked Abdullah’s help to drive out a group of young men who disturb his sleep.

In this country, weapons spread freely. As I saw In the noon, a young man with automatic weapon walked relax on the busy street. In the previous night, I found Hasan who owned a barbers shop brought a gun behind his jacket.

I have also witnessed weapon sell liberate, like in Ahmad’s shop, a Shiite. His bullet factory bombed by Israeli jets on July last year. “In this country, everyone can have a weapon without permission, said Habib Karouth, a Christian.

Socially and politically, Lebanese divided based on religion and sect, especially after civil war. There are 17 religion with many sects: 5 Islam (Shiite, Sunni, Druze, Ismail, Alawite), 10 Christian (Ortodox-Armenia, Greek, Syria, Nestoria-Assyiria, Catholic-Armenia, Syria, Caldea, Romawi, Maronite, Protestan), and Jewish. Ethnically, Lebanon consists of Arabs, Armenia, and Kurds.

Each settlement area has characteristic. In Shiite-Hezbollah area, we can see big posters of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Abbas al-Musawi, or Musa Sadr. In Shiite-Amal, the pictures of those Shiite imams companied by poster of Nabih Berri, chairman of Amal Movement party and speaker of parliament. Poster of Prime Minister Fuad Siniora dominated Sunni area.

This polarization reemerged in the June 2005 election. Establishment of new majority that coalition of Islam Sunni – Druze – Christian and dominated by pro-Hariri supporters are not strong enough to all political process in Lebanon.

There were two another groups for political balance: Christian majority led by retired general Michael Aoun and Shiite block that combined of Amal Movement (Nabih Berri) and Hezbollah (Hassan Nasrallah).

These two groups cooperated to response strategic issues, such as supporting President Emile Lahud. Other, the pro-Hariri group thought Lahud’s position was illegal because his term expired since 2004 but expanded by pro-Syrian faction until 2007. Shiite ministers accused their colleagues weren’t objective tended to suspicious on Syrian involvement.

The division in cabinet also happened in response against UN Security Council Resolution 1559 that demanded disarms all militias in Lebanon. The resolution referred to Hezbollah. Whereas according to Shiite ministers, only Hezbollah can be reliable to end and handle Israeli strike.

Due to the 34 days war, the coalition of Aoun, Nasrallah, and Berri has accused the government wasn’t proactive to address the loss of war. Finally five Shiite ministers and three ministers from Aoun faction withdrew from the government. The opposition also held big demonstration that attracted around one million people in Martyr Square, central of Beirut.,since 8 March 2006. In the next six days turned to pro-government group that held protest.

According to Muhammad Hasan Ra’ad, chairman of Hezbollah faction in parliament, demonstration will be continued until the national unity government can be established. He opposed the accusation that opposition plan to topple the government. “We demanded expansion of government that Siniora still be a prime minister and opposition has enough roles in making common decision,” he said.

Tense situation force government soldiers built check points in the border of Sunni - Shiite and Islam – Christian. Each of them placed a tank and five soldiers. Prime Minister Siniora wouldn’t take risk civil war will erupt again.

The war frequently happen in Lebanon made its people bored. “I was disgusted at war. I want to live peace and secure,” said Ali Jabir, a Shiite in Beirut. His wish is in line with government campaign. They inserted advertise boards in Arabic and English that said “I Love Live”.

But remember, it’s only temporary. The new war could be erupted in Lebanon. “They (Israel) always say will strike again in the next summer,” Ra’ad said.

Faisal Assegaf (Beirut, February 2007)

Mardi, le cabinet libanais a remporté la confiance de 100 députés sur 107 au parlement après cinq jours de débat sur sa déclaration de politique générale, a rapporté la chaîne de télévision locale LBC TV.

"Cent députés ont accordé leur confiance au cabinet, cinq ont voté contre et deux se sont abstenus, » a déclaré Nabih Berri,  président du parlement, à la fin de la session.

Le parlement libanais s'est réuni après près de deux ans d'interruption, et a approuvé la déclaration de politique générale  du gouvernement, lui permettant de diriger officiellement le pays  pendant neuf mois et de terminer sa mission avec des élections générales en 2009.

Le cabinet dirigé par le Premier ministre Fouad Siniora a remporté le vote de confiance après des débats houleux entre la coalition au pouvoir et l'opposition. Ce vote était prévu par l'accord  de Doha conclu sous les auspices de la Ligue Arabe (LA) et signé le 21 mai, qui a évité au pays de sombrer dans une guerre civile.

Le président du parlement européen Hans-Gert Pöttering a poursuivi sa visite au Liban, en rencontrant successivement le président de la république Michel Sleiman, le premier ministre Fouad Saniora et le président de la chambre Nabih Berri.

A l’issue de sa rencontre avec le chef de l’état, Hans-Gert Pöttering a indiqué que le président de la république l’a informé de la situation du Liban notamment par rapport au processus de paix au Moyen Orient avant d’affirmer le soutien de l’Union Européenne à la restauration de la souveraineté du Liban, à la création d’un état palestinien et à l’établissement de relations cordiales libano-syriennes.

Evoquant sa prochaine visite en Syrie, il indique que le parlement européen participera à la relance du processus de paix, notamment par un soutien économique et financier.

Hans-Gert Pöttering s’est ensuite rendu auprès du premier ministre Fouad Saniora ou il a souligné l’exemple que constitue le Liban dans le domaine de diversité communautaire et d’indiquer avoir abordé la question des fermes de Chébaa.

Hans-Gert Pöttering s’est ensuite entretenu avec le président du parlement Nabih Berri à Ein Tineh pour évoquer avec lui les possibles coopérations entre le Parlement Libanais et le Parlement Européen avant de se rendre auprès du ministre des AF Faouzi Salloukh et de discuter de la mise en œuvre de la résolution 1701 du Conseil de Sécurité. Le ministre libanais a exhorté l’Union Européenne de faire pression sur l’état hébreu afin notamment de résoudre la question des fermes de Chébaa et d’appliquer la résolution 194 du conseil de sécurité prévoyant le retour des réfugiés palestiniens. Hans-Gert Pöttering a souligné la nécessité du Liban d’établir de bonnes relations avec les pays environnants et de lier la sécurité d’Israël, la création d’un état palestinien et l’amélioration des relations entre pays de la région.

Le président du Parlement libanais Nabih Berri a appelé le Parlement à se réunir vendredi pour discuter de la déclaration de la politique du cabinet en vue d'un vote de confiance, a rapporté mercredi le journal local Star.

La vote de confiance du Parlement sur la déclaration du cabinet permettrait au gouvernement de commencer son fonctionnement officiel, a ajouté le journal.

Le gouvernement d'unité nationale, dirigé par le Premier ministre Fouad Senoira a adopté lundi soir à l'unanimité une déclaration de la politique après trois semaines de débats intensifs.

L'approbation de la déclaration lui permet d'être transmise au Parlement pour un vote de confiance en dépit des réserves des ministres chrétiens pro-gouvernementaux .

La déclaration de la politique du cabinet comprend une clause plutôt vague sur la résistance au Hezbollah.

Les copies de la déclaration de la politique du cabinet ont été distribuées mardi aux membres du Parlement pour qu'ils puissent préparer les discussions.

(Tayyar.org)

La « langue arabe créative » - selon les propres termes de Joumblat – aurait produit lors des dixième et onzième séances trois formules ambulantes à l’extérieur de la salle de réunion de la Commission au Grand Sérail. L’une de ces formules devrait être adoptée aujourd’hui  ou demain afin que la naissance de la déclaration ministérielle du cabinet d’unité nationale coïncide avec la fête de l’armée libanaise comme l’a souhaité le président de la république Michel Sleiman.

Mais ces trois formules qui ont fait le tour, hier, de plusieurs instances politiques et spirituelles, ont été élaborées suite à l’insistance du président de la république pressé de donner le signe de départ au cabinet, de se rendre à Damas et de préparer la table de dialogue, à l’épuisement de Berry excédé par la tergiversation et à l’inquiétude de Siniora qui voit approcher la fin du délai de trente jours d’autant plus que les experts de la constitution Hassan Rifai et Salah Hnein ont assuré qu’au-delà de ce délai le gouvernement est considéré dissout et le premier ministre ne peut être désigné pour former le nouveau cabinet… Tout ce qui précède aurait augmenté la pression pour sortir la déclaration ministérielle de l’impasse.

La lecture politique des trois formules proposées, nées en dehors de la commission de rédaction, montre néanmoins clairement l’existence d’intentions dissimulées sous le choix des mots et le flou des expressions qui, à aucun moment, n’emploient le terme « résistance » de manière à suggérer son indépendance. La première formule parle du « droit des libanais à une résistance légale pour faire face à l’ennemi et libérer ses terres par tous les moyens licites à condition qu’aucun parti de la résistance n’impose ses conditions aux autres et que l’Etat ait le droit d’exercer son pouvoir sur l’ensemble du territoire et des citoyens sans faire de différence… ». Cette formule rattache la résistance au peuple libanais et parle de plusieurs « partis », et la déclaration faite un nom de la « résistance islamique » aurait été faite en réponse à cela.

La deuxième formule parle de « droit du Liban, de l’Etat libanais et de la résistance à libérer les territoires occupés ». Cette formule rattache clairement la résistance à l’Etat libanais mais elle reste moins équivoque que la première.

La troisième formule, elle, parle de « droit des libanais à résister à l’occupation et à respecter les résolutions internationales et à leur tête la résolution 1701 ». Ainsi, le terme « résistance » est dépourvu de sa spécificité dans l’expression « droit des libanais… ». Les trois formules – à quelques différences près – ont ainsi rattaché la résistance à l’ « Etat », au « peuple » ou aux « libanais », ce qui ne lui accorde pas le statut d’entité indépendante. Ces formules ainsi que les modifications linguistiques « créatives » qui pourraient leur être apportées, constituent un pas vers la naissance d’une déclaration ministérielle à la manière libanaise bien connue.

Et dans la fièvre de la recherche d’une issue à la déclaration tant attendue, le président de la république a effectué une démarche visant à précipiter le processus en adressant un lettre dans laquelle il confirme l’imminence de la table de dialogue national. Son conseiller politique, Nazem Khoury a ainsi approché le président de l’assemblée, le premier ministre, le chef du Bloc de la fidélité à la résistance, Mohammad Raad, le chef du courant du futur Saad Hariri, et a reçu le député du bloc de Joumblat, Wael Abou Faour.

Parallèlement, le chef de la rencontre démocratique, Walid Joumblat, a effectué une visite nocturne surprise à Koraytem pour raviver le parti du 14 mars assommé par les déclarations de Joumblat que certains considèrent comme annonciatrices de sa prochaine sortie du camp de la majorité et que lui qualifie de retour à l’arabité et à la Palestine et de retour sur le droit chemin. Ceci s’est manifesté dans le nouveau discours de Hariri qui a assuré que « nul ne peut gouverner quelqu’un ». Hariri reconnaît ainsi le droit à la participation que l’opposition a toujours réclamé.

L’entrée des américains sur la scène de l’élaboration de la déclaration ministérielle s’est manifestée par l’arrivée au Liban de l’ancien ambassadeur américain au Liban accompagné de Jeffrey Feldman venus exprimer « la profonde gêne des américains suscitée par l’accueil réservé par certaines personnalités libanaises à Samir Kantar ». il a également déclaré que « la solution politique aux fermes de Chebaa constitue un pas important vers l’application de la résolution 1701 » et s’est impliqué dans les affaires libanaises intérieures redonnant au 14 mars un soutien moral en diminuant « l’importance du tiers de blocage », et en considérant la visite de Mouallem au Liban de « positive dans la forme ». Il a souligné que le « trafic d’armes entre la Syrie et le Liban continue » et a demandé au président de la république d’y remédier ainsi qu’à la question des armes du Hezbollah, dans une lettre qu’il lui a adressé à la veille de son départ en Syrie.

Les démarches et messages à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur présagent une future naissance de la déclaration ministérielle sauf en cas d’imprévu.

Fawzi Salloukh : Nous ne sommes pas concernés par les négociations avec l’ennemi

Saad Hariri : Nul ne peut gouverner quelqu’un ni l’écraser

Tark Mitri : Nous avons rédigé de nouveaux textes

Le président Karami : Pour désarmer Tripoli

Ghaleb Abou Zeinab : La déclaration est très proche et sera rédigée de manière claire

Hassan Rifai et Salah Hnein : Le gouvernement est dissout à l’expiration du délai de trente jours et le président de la république devra conduire de nouvelles concertations

Neematallah Abi Nasr : Il faut écarter l’armée des conflits

Le Mufti Kabbani : il faut mettre un terme à l’hérésie militaire

(ANSA) – 11:30 - Beirut, 16 lug - Il Libano si è fermato oggi per accogliere il ritorno di cinque terroristi libanesi di cui Israele ha accettato "a malincuore" lo scambio con i resti di due soldati israeliani catturati il 12 luglio 2006 dai guerriglieri Hezbollah con un raid oltre confine, e la cui morte é stata confermata solo questa mattina.

Il movimento sciita Hezbollah aveva infatti fino ad oggi rifiutato di rilasciare qualsiasi dettaglio sulla loro sorte, che è stata rivelata solo quando l'emittente Tv al Manar dello stesso Hezbollah ha mostrato le immagini di due casse nere contenti i resti dei due soldati: Ehud Goldwasser e Eldav Regev.

"Hezbollah ha trasformato la consegna dei cadaveri in uno show televisivo", ha subito esclamato con indignazione un commentatore della televisione commerciale israeliana Canale 10. La loro cattura, nel corso della quale vennero uccisi anche altri otto soldati israeliani, dette l'avvio ad un'offensiva israeliana contro i guerriglieri Hezbollah, andata avanti per 34 giorni e costata la vita a 1.200 libanesi e 160 israeliani. Le famiglie Goldwasser e Regev hanno reagito con strazio alla vista delle bare dei loro congiunti, mostrate in diretta da al Manar mentre venivano trasportate in Israele dalla Croce Rossa internazionale.

Oltre confine, sui resti dei due soldati, definiti "molto deteriorati", vengono compiuti gli esami necessari per accertarne l'identità e procedere così alla seconda fase dello scambio, che prevede da parte israeliana oltre alla liberazione dei cinque prigionieri anche la restituzione dei resti di 199 combattenti libanesi e palestinesi uccisi in scontri a fuoco con le forze di sicurezza israeliane nel corso di decenni. Tra i cinque prigionieri che Israele ha deciso di liberare c'é un druso di 46 anni, Samir Quntar, che non ha mai fatto parte di Hezbollah e che è stato condannato da un tribunale israeliano al carcere a vita perché riconosciuto colpevole di aver ucciso tre persone, tra cui una bimba di quattro anni, in un attacco nel 1979 contro la cittadina costiera di Naharya, nel Nord di Israele.

Gli altri quattro sono miliziani Hezbollah catturati dalle forze israeliane nella guerra del 2006. Il movimento Hezbollah - che giudica lo scambio come "una ammissione di sconfitta" da parte di Israele e che per la stampa di Beirut "riunisce i libanesi" - si prepara a tributare ai cinque combattenti un'accoglienza da "eroi", con cerimonie, bandiere e archi di trionfo. Un elicottero li trasporterà nel primo pomeriggio all'aeroporto di Beirut, dove verranno inoltre accolti dal presidente Michel Suleiman, dal premier Fuad Siniora e dal presidente del Parlamento Nabih Berri. Più tardi, alla periferia di Beirut ci sarà poi una manifestazione in cui verrà proiettato su un maxischermo un discorso per l'occasione del leader di Hezbollah Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah.

"Quntar è un assassino spregevole che quando aveva 16 anni fracassò il cranio ad una bimba israeliana" ha detto il portavoce militare di Israele Avi Benayahu, che riferendosi alle celebrazioni in suo onore organizzate dai libanesi, ha sprezzantemente commentato: "Qualcuno in Libano vede in lui un eroe. Povero quel popolo che si vanta di 'eroi' del genere".

Hundreds of thousands of people flocked from across Lebanon into the Raya playground in the Sfeir region. Representatives of President Michel Suleiman and House Speaker Nabih Berri attended the festival alongside diplomatic, political, religious and Hezbollah figures also took part in the annual event.
 
Waiving yellow Hezbollah flags, people chanted Lebanese and Hezbollah anthems and challenged US-sponsored allegations that Hezbollah's popular base has diminished.
 
Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah appeared on a huge screen amid cheers and pledges of allegiance. 
 
Sayyed Nasrallah began his speech with praising the martyrs, particularly former Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Abbas Mussawi, Shekh Ragheb Harb and Hajj Imad Moghniyyeh.
 
"Our eighth anniversary coincides with the 60th anniversary of usurping Palestine and the establishment of the oppressive entity. It also coincides with the 30th anniversary of the 1978 Israeli invasion to south Lebanon. Hence this is a time to contemplate and draw lessons whether in Lebanon or in the Arab and Israeli worlds."
 
Sayyed Nasrallah said that the resistance has served as an example and a strategy in two areas: "There is a strategy for liberation and removing the occupation, and a strategy of defending the homeland and people in the face of aggressiveness, threats and an invasion…This is our message today to Lebanon and the Arab and Islamic worlds; it's a joint message by the resistance in Lebanon, Palestine and Iraq to the whole nation. When Israel invaded south Lebanon in 1978, UNSC resolution 425 was issued, we waited for its implementation and we bargained on the international community. In Lebanon, there were suggestions that a united Arab strategy be formed to confront the aggression. None of this happened, neither by the international community nor by Arab governments that had abandoned the choice of confrontation.
Imam Mussa Sadr here in Lebanon had established the choice of resistance with the help of southerners and of course trust in Almighty Allah."
 
The Hezbollah chief elaborated saying that the consequences of the wrong choices saw Israel deeming Lebanon a weak state and invaded it in 1982, "thus creating a second Arab Nakba (Catastrophe).
"The Lebanese were divided into: a neutral group, a second unconcerned group, a third group of cheap collaborators, a fourth group that had intersecting interests with the Israelis, a fifth already defeated group that was looking forward to cooperate with the occupation on any level in the framework of cutting losses, a sixth group that, politically and through the media, rejects occupation and a seventh group that believes that its national, religious and moral obligation is to take up arms and liberate the country regardless of the price; this is the group of the resistance."
 
Sayyed Nasrallah stressed such division resulted in a lack of consensus on the resistance.
"I tell anyone whose country is under occupation: Don't wait for consensus…take up your arms and head to liberation. This is what happened in Lebanon. The resistance that constituted a part of the Lebanese people depended on its will and the strength of its fighters in the battlefield. The Arab and Islamic worlds should have helped them, but many of these governments lagged behind, however Syria and Iran spearheaded the countries that assisted the resistance and consequently the historic victory in 2000; a clear victory for Lebanon, the resistance, the Arabs and the Umma. It was also a clear defeat to Israel and its "from-Euphrates-to-Nile- Rivers" scheme in the region. The strategy of liberation adopted by the resistance was successful while the strategy of negotiations failed to gain back an inch of Lebanese land and the strategy of wait-and-see was making the enemy stronger."  
 
The Secretary General set other examples.
"In 1948, the Palestinians were waiting in vain for their Arab brethren to form a unified Arab strategy or for the international community to act. The Palestinian resistance was the reason why the world woke up to the fact that there is a Palestinian cause. Every achievement was the achievement of the resistance. The big achievement was in blockaded Gaza where the resistance managed to defeat the occupation and forced it to withdraw unconditionally. "The Gaza Strip is fighting Israel just as we did. The strategy of resistance succeeded in Lebanon and will succeed in Gaza too.
In occupied Iraq, there are those who believe in resistance and others in politics…Today, you must take the decisive position. The resistance has been dealing severe blows to the US occupation army. Iraq is called to follow the strategy of the resistance."
 
Sayyed Nasrallah added that Hezbollah has also presented a defensive pattern. "Israeli judge Winograd wondered in his report how a few thousand men defeated Israel and withstood week of fighting. Your steadfastness, the blood of your martyrs and the resistance have decreased the possibility of war in the region between Israel and Iran or Israel and Syria. I tell whoever is bargaining on a US or Israeli strike on Lebanon, we fought in 2006 and we will fight in any coming war…I tell (US President George W.) Bush and (US Secretary of State) Condoleezza Rice, who spoke of Hezbollah's defeat, that as long as Hezbollah relies on Allah and his people, you are the ones who will be defeated," he stated.
 
His eminence called on this occasion all Arab people to reconsider the resistance's strategy of defense and liberation. "In Lebanon, we talk about defense. What we need now is a liberation strategy for the Shebaa Farms, Kafarshouba Farms and the detainees in Israeli jails. The prisoners are our commitment and Samir Kuntar  and his brothers will soon return to Lebanon."
 
"On the 25th of May 2000, I stood in Bint Jbeil and declared this a victory for all the Lebanese, the Palestinians and the whole Umma. I said that what we did was our duty and we don't ask for anything in return. We called upon the authorities to take their responsibilities in all of the country. We did not prosecute the collaborators and we had no armed appearance. We asked them to take care of south Lebanon and the deprived regions like Baalbek and Hermel. We did not ask for reshaping the regime or the Taef Accord. We did not ask for anything. They argue that the resistance in France laid down its arms after liberation. I tell them that throughout history, every victorious resistance in every country took the reins of power, but we did not ask for that. I renew my position today: we do not want to share power in Lebanon and we don’t want to rule the country or impose our thoughts on the people," his eminence stressed.
"They speak of a coup and bringing back Syria into Lebanon. They also said that Hezbollah is fighting for the sake of Iran's nuclear program. When the "government" revoked its two black decisions the opposition proved in Doha that it does not want to monopolize power and did not raise the ceiling of demands. We went there to save Lebanon from sedition and (David) Welch's) hot summer. We did not employ what happened recently in politicas and we did not ask for political gains. Isn't this enough for those who accuse us of dreaming of power and authority? From the pride Dahiyeh, I renew my call for a national partnership where there is no victor and no vanquished…Hezbollah does not want power over Lebanon, nor does it want to control Lebanon or govern the country for we believe that Lebanon is a special, pluralistic country. The existence of this country only comes about through coexistence, and this is what we are demanding," he said.
 
"I am in front of two options: Either I explain what happened before the two black decision were taken, and I don't wish to do that, or I delay discussing the matter, and this is not fair. But I choose to delay the discussion, however I say that there are deep wounds on both sides, so either we irritate the wounds or we swathe them. I suggest the second option. We should draw lessons. Let us postpone this until the wounds are healed and a new phase in the country begins," Sayyed Nasrallah said.
 
His eminence thanked Arabs, especially Qatar, the Arab Ministerial Committee, Syria and Iran, and everyone who contributed in making the Doha Agreement that ended the Lebanese crisis a concrete reality.
 
On the arms of the resistance, Sayyed Nasrallah said:  "I today reaffirm the Doha agreement clause that precludes the use of arms to attain political goals. When we go to discussion, we will discuss this. The resistance’s arms are to fight the enemy, liberate lands and prisoners, and defend Lebanon – and for nothing else. The government’s arms, or the army and armed forces, is also to defend the nation, the people and their rights, the government, and to maintain security. The government’s arms cannot be used to settle accounts with a political opposition team. The government’s arms cannot be used for foreign projects that prevent Lebanon from facing Israel. The government’s arms cannot be used to nail the resistance and its arms. All arms must remain at the service of the goal they were created for."
 
The Hezbollah chief stressed the electoral law that has been reached gives better representation that previous ones, and particularly the 2000 law.
"We do not claim that this is the ideal law. This is a law that we all agreed on to bring Lebanon out of the crisis. We hope that a time would come when the Lebanese discuss an up-to-date electoral law to build a state. Those who do not want to build a state are unveiled when they approach the issue of the electoral law," his eminence said.
 
Sayyed Nasrallah also said that the election of General Michel Suleiman as President renews hope among the Lebanese for a new stage. The presidential oath we heard Sunday reflects the spirit of agreement President Suleiman had promised. What Lebanon needs is agreement, participation and cooperation.
"When I addressed you in the Riyad el-Soloh Square and promise you victory again, I did not mean the victory of one group on the other, I meant the formation of a national unity government; the  victory of May 25, 2000, as well as the victory of July 2006, and the accomplishment in Doha. I promise that the opposition’s representation in the government will not be limited to Hezbollah, Amal and the Change and Reform bloc. We will give other opposition parties shares – and unfortunately we must speak of shares – even if it is at the expense of Hezbollah’s shares."
 
Sayyed Nasrallah called on "party of former Prime Minister Martyr Rafiq Hariri" to benefit from "the experience of this great man (Rafiq Hariri). " Whoever is loyal to the martyred Premier must preserve his loyalty. We do not want monopoly or alliance; what we want is cooperation and participation as widely as possible.
 
"There are many names to be thanked today and I apologize for not naming them. It's a long list, and I thank them for their courageous stances. We thank the Sunni leaderships in Lebanon and the Islamic world because they thwarted the US project which sought to portray any struggle as a sectarian struggle. We thank the Druze leadership for their courageous, wise stances ... for their refused to define the struggle as a Shiite-Druze struggle. We thank the Christian leadership that stressed the struggle was political, not confessional. We have lost 14 martyrs whom we are proud of, and there are martyrs from the Lebanese Brigades to Resist the Occupation, the Amal Movement , the Syrian Social Nationalist Party, the Democratic Party and other opposition loyalists from all religions. We are proud of all these martyrs. We feel the pain of the victims of the other team as well. The comfort to the families of both sides is that the blood of their children saved Lebanon from the dark tunnel. We the martyrs, for they have put Lebanon before a new summer and a new phase. From our beloved Beirut to the Mount Lebanon, from the South to every area in Lebanon, you have the love and appreciation of the resistance on the anniversary of the liberation of Lebanon," Sayyed Nasrallah concluded.

Source

Dan sedikit pengenalan politik Lubnan suatu ketika sebelum ini...

Politik Lubnan

Republik Lubnan merupakan sebuah negara bersempadan dengan Syria dan Israel. Lubnan pernah dikuasai oleh kerajaan Turki Uthmaniyyah yang gemilang. Namun, peperangan antara Hezbollah dan Israel pada 2006 telah melumpuhkan infrastruktur Beirut dan ekonomi Lubnan serta kematian.

Lubnan terlibat dalam Perang Arab-Israel 1948 tetapi tidak mengambil bahagian dalam Perang Enam Hari 1967 dan Perang Yom Kippur 1973. Namun Perang Saudara Lubnan tercetus pada 1975 akibat rusuhan antara golongan Kristian, pengikut Sunnah, Syiah, Druze dan juga pihak Palestin. Perang saudara ini ditamatkan pada 1990 melalui Perjanjian Taif. Antara syarat yang terkandung dalam Perjanjian Taif ialah pembahagian kuasa secara adil di mana:

1) Presiden Lubnan = beragama Kristian Maronite

2) Perdana Menteri = pengikut Sunah

3) Speaker Parlimen = pengikut Syiah

Pada 14 Februari 2005, bekas Perdana Menteri, Rafik Hariri telah dibunuh akibat ledakan bom kereta di Beirut. Pembunuhan ini telah mengakibatkan krisis politik yang membabitkan pihak pro-Syria dan pihak anti-Syria.

Pihak pro-Syria termasuklah Presiden Emile Lahoud, Speaker Nabih Berri, Jeneral Michel Aoun dan kumpulan Hezbollah. Pihak anti-Syria termasuklah Perdana Menteri Fouad Siniora, Amine Gemayel, Samir Geagea dan anak Hariri, Saad Hariri. Perang antara Hezbollah dan Israel pada Julai 2006 dan pembunuhan pemimpin Kristian Maronite Pierre Amine Gemayel pada November 2006 telah memburukkan lagi krisis tersebut. Gerakan pro-Syria telah mengadakan pelbagai protes dan demonstrasi sejak Disember 2006 meminta kerajaan Siniora meletak jawatan.

Ulasan

Demikianlah sedikit pengenalan mengenai latar belakang politik Republik Lubnan yang lebih kompleks jika dibandingkan dengan politik tempatan. Namun adakah Malaysia akan terpelihara daripada senario terburuk seperti di Lubnan? Bukan fakta yang mana betul atau tidak tepat yang ingin dipertonjolkan daripada contoh Lubnan di atas. Tetapi itulah perumpamaannya.

Malaysia yang terdiri daripada pelbagai kaum boleh menjurus kepada pergaduhan antara kaum. Di sinilah kebijaksanaan pemimpin perlu difikirkan. Pemimpin yang ingin memelihara keharmonian sesuatu sempadan negara mestilah berpandukan kepada satu panduan muktamad yang boleh menjaga hati semua kaum. Mustahil undang-undang manusia dapat membendung nafsu manusia yang sentiasa mengutamakan keenakan dunia. Sebagai orang Islam yang berpegang teguh kepada keimanan iaitu kepercayaan kepada Tuhan Yang Maha Esa, hanya Undang-Undang Islam yang diperturunkan oleh Allah S.W.T melalui Al-Quran yang dapat mengatasi segala macam masalah di dunia ini. Adalah mustahil Undang-Undang yang diredai oleh Tuhan Yang Maha Esa mempunyai kelemahan! Kerana Allah S.W.T tidak lemah sifatnya.

Jika kita sebagai orang Islam, tidak yakin kepada Al-Quran, apakah maknanya jika bukan keimanan kita masih jauh daripada imannya Sahabat-Sahabat Rasulullah. Tujuan kita berada di muka bumi Allah ini ialah tidak lain selain daripada beribadat kepada Allah S.W.T. Maka beribadatlah kita semahu-mahunya selagi hidup di dunia ini sebelum ajal, agar kita diredai.

Antara hakikat keimanan yang tinggi ialah apabila mati dan hidupnya hanya untuk Allah S.W.T. Lihatlah bagaimana hebatnya video Hezbollah di atas yang diyakini bahawa pejuang-pejuang Hezbollah yang menentang kemaraan dan kezaliman Israel sebenarnya mahukan kematian shahid! Bukan kekayaan atau kesenangan yang dicarikan tetapi keredaan Allah S.W.T. Alangkah bahagianya sesiapa yang mati sebagai as-syahid sebenar kerana Allah S.W.T menjanjikan syurga sebagai balasannya!

Jika di Lubnan atau Palestin yang menghadapi Israel, peperangan adalah caranya melawan musuh yang zalim. Maka di Malaysia, caranya adalah tidak sama sekali kerana situasi Malaysia tidak sama seperti pergolakan di Palestin. Dengan itu tentulah ada cara yang diredai oleh Allah S.W.T. Jika kita tidak mengetahui caranya, tentulah ilmu pengetahuan yang menjadi penghalangnya. Jika ilmu pengetahuan yang benar telah dipelajari, maka tentulah tindak-tanduknya menjurus ke arah objektif ilmu pengetahuan tadi. Jika ilmu pengetahuan yang salah dipelajari, tentulah ianya juga mempunyai objektifnya yang semestinya membawanya ke arah kemusnahan dan kesengsaraan.

 Wallahu`alam...

Deux propositions ont été présentées aux délégations dépêchées à Doha, "Nous espérons que les deux parties accepteront l'une de ces propositions", a-t-il déclaré à la presse, donnant lecture d'un communiqué. "L'une des parties a demandé un jour supplémentaire pour y répondre (...) et la commission a accepté de repousser la date butoir d'une journée jusqu'à demain."

La première proposition consiste en l'élection d'un président de la république, la formation d'un gouvernement d'union nationale sur la base de 3-11-16 et la discussion autour de la nouvelle loi électorale au Parlement. proposition rejetée par l'Opposition ne trouvant aucune garantie sur l'aboutissement à une nouvelle électorale.

La deuxième proposition consiste en l'élection d'un président de la république, la formation d'un gouvernement d'union nationale sur la base de 3-11-16 et le découpage des sièges de Beyrouth en 7-7-5.

La Ligue arabe est intervenue jeudi dernier pour mettre fin aux pires affrontements au Liban depuis la fin de la guerre civile en 1990. Elle a obtenu le lendemain l'ouverture des pourparlers de Doha pour tenter de rapprocher les points de vue.

Le cheikh Hamad ben Djassim ben Djaber al Thani, chef du gouvernement qatari, qui fait office de médiateur, a présenté dimanche plusieurs idées sur les questions clés du partage du pouvoir et de la réforme de la loi électorale.

LA COALITION AU POUVOIR PRÊTE À UN ACCORD

Mardi, le cheikh a présenté une nouvelle proposition pour surmonter le blocage entre les deux camps sur la question de la division des circonscriptions électorales à Beyrouth et sur la demande de l'opposition d'obtenir un droit de veto sur les décisions gouvernementales.

La coalition au pouvoir était prête à accepter cette proposition et attendait la réponse de l'opposition, ont déclaré des délégués.

Un accord sur la loi électorale et le partage du pouvoir au sein d'un nouveau gouvernement ouvrirait la voie à l'élection par le parlement du chef de l'armée Michel Souleïmane, autour duquel il y a consensus, au poste de président laissé vacant depuis novembre dernier.

Alors qu'un accord semblait proche lundi, un communiqué diffusé par les dirigeants de l'opposition rappelant l'ordre du jour des négociations. Cheikh Hamad a réuni ensuite les représentants de la coalition au pouvoir pendant une heure et demie, sans résultat apparent.

Un délégué de l'opposition a déclaré que le Hezbollah avait rejeté une offre lui garantissant un droit de veto sur les décisions gouvernementales en échange de concessions sur la loi électorale permettant au Courant du Future de garder une main mise sur la capitale.

Scritto da Miriam Bolaffi

lunedì 19 maggio 2008

Secondo il presidente della Camera libanese e membro di Hezbollah, Nabih Berri, a Dhoa (Quatar) dove sono in corso i colloqui tra le varie fazioni libanesi, regna un clima sereno e si sarebbe vicini alla costituzione di un Governo di unità nazionale. In pratica potremo “finalmente” vedere Hezbollah al governo nonostante sia in minoranza ma soprattutto che sia un gruppo terrorista.

In pratica il colpo di Stato di Hezbollah in Libano è perfettamente riuscito e ora non avranno più nessun ostacolo nell'organizzare l'attacco a Israele tanto voluto da Iran e Siria. I segnali già ci sono da diversi mesi ma negli ultimi giorni si sono moltiplicati, soprattutto nel sud del Libano, laddove cioè ci dovrebbe essere Unifil a scongiurare questa ipotesi, ma dove però in effetti proprio Unifil è materialmente assente, almeno nelle zone lontane dalla costa.

Infatti, se due settimane fa veniva segnalata una notevole attività di Hezbollah nelle zone di Mazra at al Hmra e di Yuhmur, quindi a nord del fiume Litani anche se proprio a ridosso della zona di competenza di Unifil, da diversi giorni viene segnalata la presenza di miliziani armati nelle zone di Al Qusayr e di At Tayyibah, quindi a sud del fiume Litani, presenza accompagnata da mezzi semoventi dotati di lanciatori multipli per razzi katiuscia. Se Hezbollah sta riposizionando i suoi lanciatori a portata del territorio israeliano non è di certo un buon segno.

Tuttavia, sebbene questa sia una brutta notizia, il fatto che più fa pensare ad un prossimo inizio delle ostilità verso Israele è la segnalazione secondo la quale nei giorni scorsi la zona sarebbe stata visitata da un gruppo di pasdaran iraniani guidati da un certo Nozari, il quale, a meno di una improbabile omonimia, altri non sarebbe che il comandante della caserma Imam Ali, uno dei maggiori centri di addestramento iraniani dove vengono addestrati i futuri membri delle forze Qods, in pratica un gruppo di terroristi non iraniani specializzati in operazioni clandestine e in omicidi mirati. La presenza di Nozari nell'area non può che far pensare ad un prossimo utilizzo delle forze Qods e la cosa non è decisamente un segno positivo.

D'altro canto sono mesi che l'Iran sta lavorando a questo conflitto e nel momento in cui il Governo Libanese ha provato a fare una minima mossa per bloccarlo, immediatamente Hezbollah ha fatto vedere di cosa è capace, prendendo sostanzialmente il controllo armato del Paese.

Rimango purtroppo dell'idea, nonostante le belle parole del neo Ministro della Difesa italiano, Ignazio La Russa, che Unifil potrebbe e dovrebbe fare di più per fermare quella che ormai è una guerra annunciata. In caso contrario sarebbe il caso di pensare seriamente al ritiro, prima che si scateni l'inferno.

Secondo Protocollo

martedì, 13 maggio 2008 4.40

BEIRUT (Reuters) - Il leader sunnita del Libano Saad al-Hariri ha detto oggi che non ci sarà alcuna resa politica di fronte a quello che ha definito un tentativo da parte di Hezbollah e dei suoi sostenitori Iran e Siria di imporre il proprio volere alla nazione tramite l'uso della forza.

"Ci stanno chiedendo di arrenderci, vogliono che Beirut innalzi bandiera bianca... Questo è impossibile", ha affermato Hariri durante una conferenza stampa, nella prima apparizione pubblica del leader sunnita da quando sono iniziati gli attacchi di Hezbollah nella capitale la scorsa settimana.

"Non riusciranno ad ottenere la firma di Saad al-Hariri... in un atto di resa ai regimi di Iran e Siria", ha aggiunto.

L'emittente televisiva Future Tv di Hariri, messa fuori onda durante i combattimenti, ha ripristinato le trasmissioni poco prima dell'inizio della conferenza stampa.

Questa mattina, l'esercito del Libano ha intensificato i controlli nel tentativo di riportare l'ordine dopo una settimana di intensi combattimenti tra i guerriglieri di Hezbollah e gli uomini armati a favore del governo.

Hezbollah - il movimento fondamentalista islamico che gode dell'appoggio dell'Iran e della Siria - e i suoi alleati hanno sconfitto e cacciato i sostenitori del governo, guidato dai sunniti, a Beirut, in scontri che hanno spinto il Libano sull'orlo di una nuova guerra civile.

Per evitare divisioni interne, l'esercito non ha preso posizione di fronte a un conflitto che ha provocato la morte di 81 persone, il ferimento di 250 e ha fatto lievitare le preoccupazioni del mondo arabo e del resto della comunità internazionale sul futuro del Paese.

La polizia ha parlato di 62 morti accertate, ma secondo alcune fonti sarebbe consapevole che il bilancio effettivo potrebbe essere ben più alto.

Il Libano oggi sta vivendo la giornata più tranquilla da quando sono iniziati i primi scontri, lo scorso 7 maggio, dopo che il premier Fouad Siniora ha dichiarato fuori legge la rete di tele-comunicazione di Hezbollah e ha licenziato il responsabile della sicurezza dell'aeroporto di Beirut, vicino al gruppo sciita.

Hezbollah ha definito le decisioni di Siniora una vera e propria dichiarazione di guerra e ha rapidamente preso il controllo della maggior parte della capitale del Paese, dopo gli scontri con gli uomini armati sunniti vicini al governo. Il movimento sciita poi ha ceduto le posizioni guadagnate all'esercito.

Il comandante dell'esercito ha annunciato ieri che avrebbe lavorato per porre fine a ogni tipo di presenza armata in città dalle 5 del mattino, ora italiana. La decisione non viene considerata come una minaccia per Hezbollah, che ha evitato qualsiasi scontro con l'esercito.

OSTACOLO PER LA POLITICA USA

Il successo di Hezbollah mina la credibilità del governo di Siniora e del suo massimo sostenitore, il governo degli Stati Uniti, che considera il gruppo come uno strumento usato da Iran e Siria per esercitare la propria influenza nel paese.

L'Arabia Saudita, che appoggia fermamente il governo di Siniora, ha dichiarato che un eventuale coinvolgimento dell'Iran nelle azioni di Hezbollah danneggerebbe le relazioni della Repubblica islamica con il mondo Arabo.

Ma da Teheran, il presidente iraniano Mahmoud Ahmadinejad nega che il suo paese giochi un qualsiasi ruolo nella battaglia degli Hezbollah. "L'Iran è l'unico paese che non ha interferito in Libano", ha detto durante una conferenza stampa.

Pur se impegnato a fermare gli scontri, l'esercito non intende rimuovere le barricate innalzate da Hezbollah lungo le strade che conducono al porto e all'aeroporto internazionale di Beirut, mentre fa pressione sul governo affinché risponda alle richieste politiche del gruppo.

Il presidente degli Stati Uniti George W. Bush consulterà i suoi alleati per stabilire come assistere il Libano quando si recherà in visita nella regione nel corso di questa settimana, e ha chiesto più aiuti per l'esercito libanese in difesa del governo.

Bush visiterà Israele, Arabia Saudita ed Egitto, a partire da domani, mentre intende incontrare Siniora in Egitto la prossima domenica.

Il Libano non ha un presidente dallo scorso novembre. Il presidente del Parlamento e leader dell'opposizione Nabih Berri ha rimandato al 10 giugno l'assemblea prevista per il prossimo giovedì per l'elezione del capo dello stato. E' il diciannovesimo posticipo.

There are no longer any Hizballah fighters surrounding the grand red sandstone Beirut town house belonging to Walid Jumblatt, a member of Parliament and one of the leaders of Lebanon's governing coalition. Still, Jumblatt, a top American ally, is under virtual house arrest. After the lightning speed with which opposition Hizballah fighters defeated government supporters in a six-hour battle on Thursday — only to vanish a few hours later — it became clear that it is pointless to resist the Iranian and Syrian-backed militia, which could return at any time. "I am a hostage now in my home in Beirut," he said over the telephone to his rival Nabih Berri, the speaker of parliament and a top opposition leader, while TIME waited nearby for an interview. "Tell [Hizballah leader] Sayeed Hassan Nasrallah I lost the battle and he wins. So let's sit and talk to reach a compromise. All that I ask is your protection."

Celui qui appelait au soutien militaire des Etats-Unis, à des actes de terrorisme à Damas et attendait de pied ferme la guerre civile au Liban en est tout ébahi - le Hezbollah, qui a vaincu l'armée israëlienne, n'a pas eu de problème à écarter d'un revers de main les milices de Hariri et de Jumblatt:

Yet, despite the fact that Hizballah is perhaps the world's most fearsome guerrilla organization, somehow Jumblatt misjudged the ease with which Hizballah could pull Lebanon back into the Syrian and Iranian orbit.

Ses alliés étatsuniens n'ont pas été à la hauteur, semble-t-il:

Sitting in his garden terrace in Beirut, with just a few family members and loyal retainers, Jumblatt is quickly coming to grips with the new political landscape. "The U.S. has failed in Lebanon and they have to admit it," he said. "We have to wait and see the new rules which Hizbollah, Syria and Iran will set. They can do what they want."

Il semblerait que le PSP, le parti-milice de Jumblatt, ait abandonné ses positions en faveur de l'armée. Le Figaro - dont le correspondant au Liban, Pierre Prier, me semble plus proche de la réalite que celle du Monde, Mouna Naïm - nous en apprend un peu plus:

Des affrontements ont opposé la veille et toute la nuit les combattants d'Amal et du Hezbollah aux Druzes du ministre Walid Joumblatt, membre de la majorité. Mardi, dit un officier, les combats ont cessé, les combattants du Hezbollah sont partis, « mais ils ne sont pas loin ». Comme dans Beyrouth-Ouest, l'accalmie ne semble être là que pour entériner la défaite du camp de la majorité. (...)

Walid Joumblatt fait pour l'instant figure de perdant. La présence de l'armée nationale sur la hauteur entérine une nouvelle situation. Après deux jours de combat, Joumblatt a dû faire machine arrière et appeler à l'aide son grand rival, l'émir Talal Arslan, chef d'une famille rivale. Ce dernier dirige un petit parti rattaché, lui, à l'opposition. Il a accepté de collecter les armes du PSP c'est-à-dire les armes lourdes, pas question ici de renoncer aux armes individuelles , et de les remettre à l'armée. L'émir Arslan a cependant prévenu : si les troupes du Hezbollah entrent dans les villages de la montagne, ses hommes se retourneront contre eux.

Pour la première fois en trente ans de règne, Walid Joumblatt se trouve mis en difficulté au cœur de la montagne. Qui tient la montagne tient le pays, dit l'imaginaire libanais. Pendant la guerre civile de 1975-1990, les Druzes ont massacré leurs voisins chrétiens, à qui ils ont livré des combats féroces. Jusqu'ici, jamais la minorité druze, 150 000 membres environ, n'a été dépossédée de ses montagnes, dont elle connaît chaque recoin.

Son nouvel adversaire ne s'était jamais avancé jusque-là. Mais le Hezbollah, avec son allié Amal, semble vouloir peser sur le Chouf comme sur Beyrouth. Dimanche, les chiites ont affronté les milices druzes au pied de la montagne, dans le quartier de Choueifat, qui montre aujourd'hui des façades noircies. Bilan : 16 morts. Les affrontements ont continué à Aley, dans la montagne. Mais le parti chiite s'est bien gardé de prendre la ville, la contournant par les vallons pour aller faire le coup de feu contre les miliciens druzes. (...)

La stratégie du Hezbollah apparaît clairement : sécuriser ses hauteurs en neutralisant la milice de Joumblatt, et contrôler la route qui mène à la frontière syrienne, par laquelle le parti chiite reçoit son approvisionnement en armes et en munitions. Bien plus que les accrochages de Tripoli, au nord, qui opposent sunnites et alaouites ultra-minoritaires, la nouvelle bataille du Chouf revêt un caractère stratégique.

The Guardian confirme:

Despite calls for a ceasefire, Hizbullah fighters defeated militants loyal to the Druze leader Waleed Jumblatt in clashes starting on Sunday night, gaining control of Niha, a village in the southern Chouf mountains, 25 miles south-east of Beirut.

On Sunday, Hizbullah fighters took over key positions in Aley, a Druze town north of the Chouf, which abuts the main Beirut-Damascus highway, giving them control of another key artery. Both Druze areas have since been turned over to the army, which has a longstanding agreement on military cooperation with Hizbullah over Israel.

Selon des observateurs cités par The Guardian, le Hezbollah ne chercherait pas à se débarasser de Jumblatt, mais plutôt à contrôler les voies de communication entre ses fiefs de la Bekaa et de la banlieue sud de Beyrouth:

Despite calls for a ceasefire, Hizbullah fighters defeated militants loyal to Druze leader Waleed Jumblatt in clashes starting on Sunday night, gaining control of Niha, a village in the southern Chouf mountains, 25 miles south-east of Beirut.

Analysts said the village provides the Iranian-backed group, also an ally of Damascus, with a crucial link between its stronghold in the eastern Bekaa Valley and the coastal highway that leads to Hizbullah's bases in Beirut's southern suburbs.

"Hizbullah have shown they are not interested in unseating Jumblatt but rather opening a possible supply route between Bekaa and the southern suburbs," said Ousama Safa, director of Beirut's Lebanese Centre for Policy Studies. "They can now use the area as a second front, behind the Bekaa."

On Sunday Hizbullah fighters took over key positions in Aley, a Druze town north of the Chouf, which abuts the main Beirut-Damascus highway, giving them control of another key artery. Both Druze areas have since been turned over to the army, which has a longstanding agreement on military cooperation with Hizbullah over Israel.

Il faut dire que Jumblatt et Nasrallah furent des alliés il y a quelques années seulement:

Nasrallah and Jumblatt had been good friends and strong allies during the heyday of the Syrian presence in Lebanon. The Druze leader had positioned himself as one of the main protectors of Hezbollah arms throughout the 1990s. A political animal, however, he changed sides when it was clear the Syrians had fallen out with Washington after the Iraq war and he transformed himself into one of the loudest critics of Syrian power in Beirut.

Les parrains séoudiens de la coalition du 14 mars (Hariri, Jumblatt et Ja'ja) sont atterrés. Il est amusant d'ailleurs que les séoudiens, qui chez eux considéreraient sans aucun doute un druze comme un hérétique ou un apostat, tressent des lauriers au zaïm druze - un chroniqueur séoudien dans Al Sharq al awsat parle au sujet du Hezbollah de "holocauste", une opinion pour le moins hétérodoxe par rapport aux normes acceptées en Europe et aux Etats-Unis au sujet de l'usage public de références au génocide juif - mais mon petit doigt me dit que ce chroniqueur ne sera pas cité par MEMRI ou flétri par l'Anti Defamation League.

La presse israëlienne, que ce soit Haaretz ou The Jerusalem Post, est affligée, mais a le sens des réalités. Haaretz estime ainsi, dans un article intitulé "New reality has taken over", que la demande du vieux patriarche phalangiste Amine Gemayel, à savoir que le Hezbollah promette de ne plus utiliser ses armes contre d'autres Libanais, est une reculade par rapport à la résolution 1559 du Conseil de sécurité, adoptée sur pression étatsuno-franco-israëlienne, laquelle résolution exige le désarmement de "toutes" les milices, le Hezbollah étant considéré comme une de ces milices:

"Those who previously demanded that Hezbollah be disarmed are now being compelled to disarm themselves," noted one Lebanese commentator. "Lebanon needs to start getting used to the new reality." (...) The bottom line is that the Arab League delegation due to arrive in Beirut today faces a seemingly irreversible reality that will force it to grant a seal of approval to Hezbollah's political takeover. Over the weekend, Yemen's president said publicly that Siniora ought to resign. And that, it seems, is likely to be the basis for any plan to resolve the crisis.

Le Jerusalem Post, proche du Likoud, constate catastrophé le triste sort de Jumblatt et est outré que l'armée libanaise n'ait pas fait ce que n'a pu faire l'armée israëlienne, à savoir battre le Hezbollah:

Jumblatt has been the March 14 movement's gadfly opposing Lebanon's steady transformation into an Iranian-Syrian proxy through Hizbullah. Sunday he laid bare the powerlessness of the movement when he begged Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah to spare his followers in the Shouf Mountains. Speaking under Hizbullah siege from his home in Beirut, Jumblatt said in a television interview, "Through the LBC I address Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah: If you have a personal issue with me, that's fine. But we cannot allow attacks on the people of Al-Jabel [i.e. Druse villagers in the mountains around the capital city]. We must all work for a ceasefire with the army, and leave personal issues aside."

Jumblatt made his plea for the lives of his people after he was obliged to instruct them to lay down their weapons and place their faith in the Lebanese army on Sunday afternoon.

Le bloggeur attitré du Jerusalem Post au Liban est bien évidemment catastrophé par la défaite de la coalition pro-étatsunienne de Hariri, Ja'ja et Jumblatt. Quant au Yedioth Aharonoth, son chroniqueur estime que la victoire du Hezbollah oblige Israël à négocier un deal avec la Syrie - le Golan pour Israël, le Liban pour la Syrie.

Tiens, à propos de l'armée libanaise, elle aurait conclu un deal avec le Hezbollah - elle ne serait de toute façon pas en mesure de combattre et encore moins de vaincre ce dernier, à supposer qu'elle le souhaite (le général Michel Suleiman est un proche de l'ex-président pro-syrien, le général Emile Lahoud, et n'a strictement rien fait pour entraver la résistance, que ce soit avant ou après la guerre de 2006):

Politicians, analysts and fighters, however, said the army's performance suggests that the better-armed Hezbollah has struck a deal with Lebanese military brass. At the same time, there's bafflement that the army hasn't been able to defend the government despite receiving more than $400 million in U.S. aid since 2006.

"We know that Arab armies are mostly instruments for internal security, and even in this, the Lebanese army has failed," said Hilal Khashan, a Beirut-based political science professor and expert on Hezbollah. "They waited for Hezbollah to launch its attacks and prevail, and then they took charge of roadblocks."

""Sometimes, neutrality is a position," Khashan said. "There is a deal between Hezbollah and the commander of the army, no doubt about it. What the terms of such a deal is, we don't yet know. I wouldn't say the army is an extension of the opposition, but I would say it colluded with the opposition." (...)

Politicians, analysts and fighters, however, said the army's performance suggests that the better-armed Hezbollah has struck a deal with Lebanese military brass. At the same time, there's bafflement that the army hasn't been able to defend the government despite receiving more than $400 million in U.S. aid since 2006.

"We know that Arab armies are mostly instruments for internal security, and even in this, the Lebanese army has failed," said Hilal Khashan, a Beirut-based political science professor and expert on Hezbollah. "They waited for Hezbollah to launch its attacks and prevail, and then they took charge of roadblocks."

""Sometimes, neutrality is a position," Khashan said. "There is a deal between Hezbollah and the commander of the army, no doubt about it. What the terms of such a deal is, we don't yet know. I wouldn't say the army is an extension of the opposition, but I would say it colluded with the opposition."

Bush ne semble pas au courant, lui qui vient de promettre plus d'aide militaire au Liban pour aider l'armée à défendre la coalition pro-étatsunienne. Comme le dit un sécuritaire étatsunien à la journaliste Helena Cobban:

As one former US government officer commented on news that Lebanese Druze leader Jumblatt had basically surrendered to Hizbollah, "Same guys that gave you Gaza gave you this. Do you think any of them are smart enough to see what they've done?" Adds another former US official who served in Lebanon: "This administration is bankrupt in every way -- absolutely hopeless."

Le bloggeur sud-africain Tony Karon le constate aussi:

One of the adages popular in the treatment of recovering alcoholics in America is the notion that repeating the same behaviour and expecting a different result is insanity. President George W Bush, however, appears to have recovered from his own youthful drinking problem without digesting that particular lesson. Last week’s events in Lebanon suggest that his administration remains intent to the very end on repeating the strategies that have failed in Gaza and Basra and Sadr City, expecting that the result in Beirut would somehow be different.

Et c'est peu de dire que le bloc pro-étatsunien Hariri/Ja'ja/Jumblatt en veut à son parrain d'outre-Atlantique - voir par exemple ce qu'en dit le Washington Post, "In Lebanon, a Call for U.S. Action", qui cite des dirigeants du bloc pro-étatsunien appelant à une intervention militaire:

Politicians in Lebanon's Western-backed governing coalition criticized the United States on Monday for not doing enough to counter the opposition Hezbollah movement's recent takeover of West Beirut. (...) "We need the U.S., but we are hearing nothing substantial from them," said Nayla Mouawad, a cabinet minister and leading member of the March 14 coalition. (...)

One March 14 politician, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, called for "tactical strikes" against Syria to pressure the government to rein in Hezbollah.

Bush, in the interview, offered a stock reply to a question about the possibility of U.S. military action: "There's always that option."

The Pentagon denied reports that the USS Cole, a U.S. warship that appeared off the coast of Lebanon in February, was again on its way to the Lebanese coast. A U.S. Navy official said the Cole is in the eastern Mediterranean.

Le Los Angeles Times rapporte les mêmes faits:

Shaken by a Hezbollah military offensive in recent days, Lebanon's pro-Western parties have launched an intensive campaign to lobby allies in Washington, Europe and the Arab world to intervene diplomatically or even militarily on their behalf, officials here said. (...)

The coalition of pro-Western Christian, Sunni and Druze politicians under the so-called March 14 banner has embarked on an effort to draw international backers into the conflict, said coalition leaders and Western diplomats. They fear Hezbollah is trying to use its military strength to cow the government into submitting to its demands, which include noninterference with the militia's drive to build up its arsenal to confront Israel.

The coalition's arguments appear aimed at playing on Western and Arab officials' fears of growing Iranian power. The Lebanese officials want other countries to pressure Iran and its ally, Syria, by seeking condemnation of and perhaps new economic sanctions against the two nations at the U.N. Security Council.

One official went so far as to suggest unspecified attacks on Damascus, the Syrian capital, to punish Hezbollah's backer and restore a regional balance of power.

"Iran took a decision to take Lebanon hostage, and from Lebanon, come back to the Mediterranean Sea to be able to infiltrate much more easily the whole Arab world," said another official, Nayla Mouawad, a minister in the government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora. "It is very obvious that we're not getting a clear-cut reaction from the U.S., Arabs and the international community which is sufficient to the gravity of the situation."

The faction's officials have telephoned contacts in the White House and the State Department and deployed lobbyists in Washington to press the U.S. government, Mouawad said. They have also canvassed diplomatic contacts in Beirut and abroad to ask for more forceful condemnations of Hezbollah's move, said officials in the March 14 camp. (...)

But despite words of support from Washington, there was little sign it would forcefully rescue its Lebanese allies. The U.S. Embassy in Beirut did not respond to an interview request.

"The Americans are telling March 14 they have to resist," said one Western diplomat in Beirut. "But they're not bringing much operational support." (...)

But the use of force appeared unlikely. The Pentagon squashed rumors that the U.S. warship Cole, steaming to the Mediterranean Sea from the Persian Gulf, was responding to the Lebanon crisis.

"Yes, we are maintaining a watchful eye on the area, but not any more than we have been recently," a Defense official in Washington told The Times, speaking on condition of anonymity.

De vous à moi cependant, le bloc pro-étatsunien du 14 mars ne peut s'en prendre qu'à lui-même:

The Lebanese government made a fatal underestimation of how far leaders of the Shi'ite group Hezbollah would go to preserve what they believe are their rights, such as an intelligence network and the freedom to carry weapons. (...)

Hezbollah secretary general Hasan Nasrallah spoke just hours after the crisis started, saying the communication system and Shuqyar were "red lines" that could not be crossed. He reminded his audience that when Siniora became prime minister in 2005, one of the main points of his political program was "supporting the resistance" and giving it (Hezbollah) a free hand to wage its "war of liberation" against Israel in any way it saw fit.

Veteran Shi'ite cleric Abdul-Amir Qabalan, deputy chairman of the Higher Shi'ite Council, contacted the Lebanese government and advised it to back down, warning that Nasrallah must not be provoked and that he would not stand by and watch his security system being torn down. Qabalan said, "Touching this [communication] system affects our nationalism, integrity and loyalty to the nation."

The government refused to change course, arguing that security must be monopolized by the state and that it was inconceivable that a non-state party like Hezbollah could run a parallel security system at Beirut Airport.

In this stubbornness, the government failed to anticipate the value Hezbollah places on what it believed its key rights. Worse, Defense Minister Elias al-Murr, Interior Minister Hasan al-Sabe and Public Persecutor Said Mirza were tasked to create a team to look into other security violations committed by Hezbollah.

Enfin, le clou de la journée: Hariri accuse le Hezbollah de complicité avec Israël... Well, he would know, wouldn't he? Car les services de renseignement israëliens s'inquiètent du sort du gouvernement Siniora, redoutant que le bloc du 14 mars en perde le contrôle:

Defense officials, meanwhile, expressed concern Sunday that the growing instability in Lebanon would lead to a dissolution of the power of the UNIFIL peacekeepers, as well as pave the way for Hizbullah to obtain control of at least a third in the Lebanese cabinet, granting it the power to veto major government decisions.

Israel is concerned that the March 14 group, led by Saad Hariri - son of assassinated former prime minister Rafik Hariri - could lose control of the government to Hizbullah. The Shi'ite group could then shoot down government initiatives, including the upcoming renewal of UNIFIL's mandate to operate in southern Lebanon.

(1) Attention, 234568987eme degré.

BEIRUT - Domenica 11 maggio (Vatican Diplomacy). Fonti libanesi hanno riferito ieri all'agenzia di stampa Arabmonitor di una burrascosa telefonata intercorsa nella notte tra il segreterio generale della Lega araba Amr Moussa e il presidente del Parlamento libanese Nabih Berri. Quest'ultimo sarebbe stato minacciato da Moussa, il quale avrebbe ventilato provvedimenti contro Beirut se il potere dell'esecutivo Siniora non fosse stato ripristinato.

Il Partito democratico libanese guidato dal leader druso Talal Arslan ha fatto sapere ad Arabmonitor tramite il suo portavoce che la Lega araba non è nella condizione di dare lezioni di democrazia al Libano essendo diventata "un'associazione di piccole dittature". Miliziani del movimento di Saad Hariri bloccano ancora il valico di Masnaa sulla strada che collega Beirut a Damasco, ma la rimozione del blocco è attesa a ore.

Sulle ipotesi di mediazione internazionale tra maggioranza e opposizione libanese, fonti politiche di Beirut hanno osservato che la Santa Sede e il Qatar sembrano al momento gli unici mediatori accettabili per entrambe le parti.

La séance du parlement libanais consacrée à l'élection du président du pays dont le poste reste vacant depuis le départ du pro-syrien Emile Lahoud le 24 novembre 2007, a été reportée mardi pour la 18e fois à Beyrouth, la majorité des deux tiers n'ayant pas pu être atteinte au parlement.

Seuls 78 députés se sont rendus au parlement. Quarante cinq minutes après le début de la séance, le président du parlement Nabih Berri (opposition) a reporté l'élection du président sine die. Il a indiqué qu'une date pourrait être fixée quand la majorité au pouvoir et l'opposition se seraient entendues sur les questions litigieuses à l'origine de la crise politique libanaise - le partage des portefeuilles au sein du futur gouvernement et l'adoption d'une nouvelle loi électorale réclamée par l'opposition.

M.Berri a appelé les deux parties à relancer le dialogue. "Si nous nous retrouvons à la table des négociations et parvenons à une entente, nous pourrons élire le président le lendemain", a-t-il déclaré avant de donner deux ou trois jours à la majorité anti-syrienne pour prendre une décision.

L'opposition est prête à élire un président si un gouvernement d'unité nationale est créé et une nouvelle loi électorale votée. La majorité soutenue par les États-Unis et certains pays arabes, dont l'Arabie Saoudite, réclame l'élection immédiate d'un chef d'État sans conditions préalables et refuse de mener un dialogue politique avec l'opposition.

Le parlement libanais n'arrive pas à élire de chef d'État depuis le 25 septembre 2007.

Le président du parlement libanais Nabih Berri a été "sidéré" que le ministre français des Affaires étrangères Bernard Kouchner l'ait accusé de fermer le parlement et l'ait jugé "pas libre de ses mouvements", a rapporté mercredi le quotidien local Al-Akhbar.

M. Berri, un des principaux chefs de l'opposition libanaise, est en contact avec le monde arabe et la communauté internationale pour un nouveau cycle de dialogue entre groupes rivaux libanais.

"Pourquoi le dialogue ne se fait-il pas au parlement ? Mais parce qu'il (Berri) n'est pas libre de ses mouvements !", a dit M. Kouchner lors d'une conférence de presse mardi à Paris.

La diplomatie française a souligné que les remarques du ministre avaient été prises "hors contexte".

La dernière session du parlement libanais date d'octobre 2007, M. Berri refusant d'en convoquer une en la présence d'un gouvernement qualifié d'illégitime alors que la coalition au pouvoir l'accuse de pirater le pouvoir législatif.

Le Liban traverse aujourd'hui la plus grave crise de son histoire depuis la guerre civile de 1975-1990. La présidence est vacante depuis la fin, le 24 novembre 2007, du mandat de l'ancien président Emile Lahoud, une première pour le pays.

La session parlementaire qui doit permettre d'élire son successeur a déjà été reportée 17 fois. Elle est pour l'instant fixée au 22 avril.

Le président du Parlement libanais, le chiite Nabih Berri, a discuté lundi à Damas avec le président syrien Bachar al Assad de l'idée de réunir les dirigeants politiques du Liban en vue de mettre fin à la crise politique dans ce pays.

Cette proposition de dialogue direct entre les rivaux libanais a été avancée par Berri afin de sortir de l'impasse qui dure depuis l'automne dernier et permettre l'élection d'un nouveau président, a-t-on précisé de source libanaise.

"Cette visite (à Damas) nous a donné un nouvel élan pour poursuivre le dialogue interlibanais et pour élire un nouveau président", a dit Berri à l'issue de la rencontre.

Selon le quotidien de Beyrouth As Safir, Nabih Berri, un allié de Damas, se rendra également en Arabie saoudite pour défendre son idée.

Le Liban est sans président depuis novembre.

Le gouvernement libanais et ses alliés occidentaux estiment que la Syrie fait obstruction à l'élection d'un successeur à Emile Lahoud, l'ancien chef de l'Etat pro-syrien, et dénoncent l'ingérence de Damas.

L'opposition libanaise soutenue par la Syrie bloque l'élection présidentielle en attendant d'obtenir satisfaction sur sa vieille revendication de jouir d'un droit de veto au sein du futur gouvernement d'union.

Personne n’y croyait vraiment, mais il fallait attendre que le président du Parlement l’annonce officiellement : « Il n’y aura pas d’élection présidentielle cette semaine! », a déclaré Nabih Berri hier soir lors d’une interview télévisée. C’est donc le 17e report de cette élection présidentielle à laquelle plus personne ne croit dans le pays. Et cela signifie surtout qu’il n’y aura pas de président du Liban pour représenter le pays lors du sommet de la Ligue arabe à Damas le week-end prochain.

Nabih Berri fait le constat que « l’impasse politique est totale ». Le président du Parlement reporte une fois de plus la session parlementaire destinée à élire un président de la République, mais il annonce également que si aucune solution n’est trouvée lors du Sommet arabe de Damas dans une semaine, il appellera tous les dirigeants politiques du pays à des pourparlers directs.

Le but serait de relancer le dialogue entre les 14 dirigeants des partis de l’opposition et de la majorité pour qu’ils forment un gouvernement d’unité nationale et qu’ils se mettent d’accord sur une nouvelle loi électorale.

Nabih Berri, qui est aussi l’un des principaux leaders de l’opposition disait également, en début de semaine, qu’une réconciliation entre les dirigeants saoudiens et syriens serait la clé d’une solution au Liban.

Il n’y aura donc pas de président libanais au Sommet de Damas samedi et dimanche prochains, mais y aura-t-il une délégation libanaise ? Le débat divise les camps politiques du pays. Le gouvernement devrait se réunir à nouveau demain soir pour en discuter.

Mais la décision finale risque fort d’intervenir au tout dernier moment, car là encore, elle ne dépend pas que des seuls Libanais, mais bel et bien des équilibres entre les Etats de la sous région.

Le porte-parole du Parlement libanais Nabih Berri a déclaré vendredi que les Etats-Unis étaient contre le plan arabe visant à résoudre l'impasse politique actuelle au Liban.

"Les Américains sont contre l'initiative arabe, et étaient contre le plan dès le début", a indiqué vendredi M. Berri dans un entretien sur la chaîne de télévision locale ANB.

M. Berri, qui est aussi un dirigeant de l'opposition libanaise, a attribué la crise politique libanaise à une dispute inter-arabe au début, appelant les Libanais à s'unifier et trouver une solution, parce qu'aucun groupe au Liban ne pourrait battre un autre.

Il a aussi souligné que "le danger israélien est le plus important, parce qu'Israël est en train de chercher la revanche pour son échec de la guerre de juillet (en 2006)."

Le Liban se trouve maintenant dans sa pire crise politique depuis la fin de la guerre civile 1975-1990. Pour la première fois dans son histoire, le siège du président libanais est vacant après que l'ancien président Emile Lahoud eut terminé son mandat le 24 novembre 2007.

Le chef de la Ligue arabe Amr Moussa n'a pas pu jusqu'à présent convaincre les deux groupes rivaux libanais d'accepter le plan arabe adopté le 6 janvier dernier au Caire.

Ce plan en trois points vise à élire immédiatement le commandant général de l'armée libanaise, le général Michel Souleimane, comme président libanais, à former un gouvernement d'union nationale et à enfin adopter une nouvelle loi électorale.

What about investigating, at the level of the demonstrators, and then to pursue these investigations upward in order to find out; 1) who organized these demonstrations and 2) what instructions did the demonstrators receive?

Will Amal and Hizbollah agree to interrogations of subordinates, that would ultimately point upward and ever closer? Their expressions of excessive reprimand and agitation are clearly meant to block this outrageously unacceptable and unthinkable scenario.

This is irrespective of the fact that the party with the most vocal presence among the demonstrators was Amal's, and that the manipulative Hizbullah has one more time succeeded in hiding, just behind. It is similar to the on-going strategy of Hizbullah that made Aoun believe, exactly like Berry believes today, that he is playing an historical role of national importance.